国会演讲稿 模板1
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尊敬的金元基议长，
各位议员朋友，
女士们，先生们，朋友们：
今天，有机会来到大韩民国国会，并同各位议员见面，我感到十分高兴。首先，我要感谢金元基议长的盛情邀请。借此机会，我愿向在座的各位议员，并通过你们向韩国人民，转达中国人民的真诚祝福。
我曾于1998年访问过贵国，当时正是亚洲金融危机肆虐之际。韩国人民在困难面前团结自强、共渡时艰、奋发进取的精神面貌给我留下了深刻印象，韩国人民对中国人民的深情厚谊也让我难以忘怀。时隔7年再次踏上贵国美丽富饶的国土，看到贵国这些年来经济社会发展又取得了许多新的成就，我感到由衷的高兴。
中韩两国是隔海相望的近邻，也是关系密切的友睢ｔ谥泻押玫某て诶分校焦嗣袷贾障嗷パ啊⑾嗷ソ杓餐丛炝瞬永玫亩轿拿鳌＝岳矗焦嗣裼衷诳够魍饫辞致浴⒄∶褡宥懒⒌奈按蠖氛邢嗷ブс帧⑾嗷グ镏餐仔戳丝筛杩善挠岩昶隆ｋ姓庑钩闪私裉熘泻叵捣⒄沟募崾祷。档梦颐撬奖都诱涫印?/p>;
1992年中韩建交，揭开了两国关系发展新的一页，两国人民心中长久积蕴的友好愿望化作了推动两国关系发展的强大动力。__年来，两国关系的发展，如同奔流不息的长河，充满着旺盛的生机和蓬勃的活力。如今，中韩关系已步入历史上的最好时期。今年两国年贸易额将超过1000亿美元，中国已成为韩国的最大贸易伙伴和投资对象国，韩国也已成为中国的第三大贸易伙伴国和第二大外资来源国。现在，双方日均人员往来达到10000人次，几十万人在对方国家学习、工作、生活，每周近400对航班穿梭于两国之间。双方在文化、教育、科学等领域的交流日益紧密，在两国人民之间架起了理解和友谊的桥梁。双方在国际和地区事务中的协调和合作日益密切。可以说，中韩友好深入人心，发展前景十分美好。
中韩关系能够迎来今天这样的大好局面，是两国政府和人民共同努力的结果。在这里，我要向长期致力于中韩友好合作的两国各界人士表示崇高的敬意和衷心的感谢！
我要特别感谢韩国国会为发展两国友好合作作出的重要贡献。我高兴地看到，中国全国人大和韩国国会保持着密切交往，双方开展了良好合作，丰富了两国全面合作伙伴关系的内涵。两国立法机关还将建立定期交流机制。希望两国立法机构加强交流合作，为两国关系发展作出更大贡献。
中韩关系全面发展给我们留下了许多宝贵经验，值得认真总结并发扬光大。我认为，最主要的经验有以下三个方面。
——坚定不移地奉行睦邻友好政策，致力于维护和平稳定的周边环境。双方都怀有维护和平、实现发展的真诚意愿，都把对方视为合作伙伴，都认为对方的发展对自己是机遇而不是威胁。这为两国关系发展奠定了重要基础。
——注重通过务实合作推进共同发展，致力于和平发展和互利共赢。双方都充分利用两国地理相邻、文化相近、经济互补的优势，不断挖掘潜力，拓展交流合作，给两国人民带来实实在在的利益。这为两国关系发展注入了强大动力。
——坚持相互尊重、相互信任、平等相待的精神，致力于两国关系的长期、稳定、健康发展。双方都从大局和长远战略的高度出发，尊重和照顾对方的关切，及时妥善解决两国关系中出现的问题，使中韩关系不断走向成熟。这为两国关系发展提供了有力保障。
女士们、先生们、朋友们！
当前，中国人民正在为实现全面建设小康社会的目标而奋斗。推动经济社会发展、不断改善人民生活始终是中国的中心任务。我们已对中国今后5年的经济社会发展作出了战略部署，其中经济发展方面的主要目标是：在优化结构、提高效益和降低消耗的基础上，实现__年人均国内生产总值比__年翻一番；资源利用效率显著提高，__年单位国内生产总值能源消耗比__年降低20%左右；社会主义市场经济体制比较完善，开放型经济达到新水平。为了实现这个目标，我们将坚持以以人为本、全面协调可持续的科学发展观统领经济社会发展全局，坚持统筹城乡发展、统筹区域发展、统筹经济社会发展、统筹人与自然和谐发展、统筹国内发展和对外开放，继续深化改革开放，加快调整经济结构、转变经济增长方式，提高自主创新能力，发展循环经济，推动经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设全面发展。我们将坚定不移地高举和平、发展、合作的旗帜，坚持走和平发展道路，坚持对外开放的基本国策，既通过争取和平的国际环境来发展自己，又通过自己的发展来促进世界和平，同世界各国广泛开展交流合作，实现互利共赢。
我们高兴地看到，韩国正在调整经济结构、促进产业升级，为建设东北亚枢纽国家和实现人均国内生产总值__0美元的目标而努力。中韩两国各自的发展为两国深化各领域合作创造了新的机遇、开辟了广阔前景，中韩关系发展有着巨大的潜力。我们双方应该共同努力，利用好机遇，应对好挑战，不断开创中韩友好合作的新局面。
昨天下午，我同卢武铉总统就进一步深化两国全面合作伙伴关系深入交换了意见，达成了广泛共识，双方确定了一系列新的交流合作领域和项目。我相信，这必将为两国关系发展注入新的动力。
为了进一步发展两国全面合作伙伴关系，我们双方应该立足现实、着眼长远，进一步规划好两国关系发展的蓝图。在这里，我愿就此提出几点看法。
第一，在政治上，中韩两国应该成为不同社会制度国家和平共处的典范。世界是丰富多彩的。各国发展模式和社会制度的多样化，以及不同发展模式和社会制度之间的取长补短、交流借鉴，是世界发展的重要动力。虽然中韩的基本国情、发展阶段、社会制度不同，但两国关系发展的实践充分证明，只要坚持和平共处五项原则，相互理解，相互尊重，相互信任，相互促进，妥善处理分歧和问题，不同社会制度的国家完全可以和平共处并长期发展友好合作。
第二，在经济上，中韩两国应该成为互利共赢、共同发展的伙伴。双方应该继续挖掘潜力，不断开拓新的合作领域、提升合作水平。中韩经贸合作中长期发展规划联合研究报告已经出台，为今后一个时期扩大双方经贸合作提供了科学依据。昨天，我和卢武铉总统商定，双方共同努力，争取到__年也就是中韩建交20周年时使两国年贸易额达到__亿美元。这是一个具有挑战性的目标，也是一个经过努力完全有可能达到的目标。我相信，只要双方本着互利共赢的原则，坚持不懈地努力，加强互利合作，一定能够为促进两国共同发展繁荣取得更加丰硕的成果，更好地造福两国人民。
第三，在人文上，中韩两国应该成为相互学习、相互促进的朋友。加强文化、教育、科技等领域的交流和借鉴，实现相互补充、相得益彰，对我们各自国家的发展和两国关系的发展都具有重要促进作用。我们已商定把__年即中韩建交15周年定为"中韩交流年"，并就加强两国青年交流及其他一系列交流活动达成共识。我们双方应该积极开拓合作的新领域，使交流合作的形式更加多样、内容更加丰富，为两国关系发展注入更多活力。
第四，在国际事务上，中韩两国应该成为促进人类和平与发展的力量。我们两国在许多重大国际和地区问题上有着广泛共识，在半岛和平与发展的问题上肩负着重要责任。在世界多极化和经济全球化的趋势深入发展的今天，中韩关系已超越双边范畴。因此，我们在继续深化双边关系的同时，应该主动适应国际形势的发展变化，立足亚洲，放眼世界，共同致力于维护世界和平、促进共同发展。
女士们、先生们、朋友们！
我们所处的亚洲地区正经历着复杂而深刻的变化。求和平、促发展、谋合作是亚洲各国人民的共同愿望，也是亚洲各国的前途所在。亚洲的振兴和发展，既面临着历史性机遇，也面临着严峻挑战。面对机遇和挑战并存、困难和希望同在的新形势，如何共同构建一个政治上和睦相处、经济上平等互利、安全上互信协作、文化上交流互鉴的和谐亚洲，是摆在亚洲各国政府和人民面前的一个重大课题。中韩两国都是亚洲的重要国家，应该在亚洲和平与发展的事业中发挥积极作用。当前和今后一个时期，我们应该在以下几个方面共同作出努力。
一是要增进相互信任，营造和睦环境。亚洲是一个多样化的地区，各国意识形态、政治制度、文化背景、发展水平和彼此关切各不相同，新旧问题纵横交错。亚洲各国唯有相互尊重、坦诚相待、求同存异、互谅互让，才能共同营造一个和谐的政治环境、和平的安全环境。
二是要推动区域合作，加快发展步伐。推动区域合作，对亚洲国家的发展十分重要。亚洲各国应该本着相互尊重、协商一致、循序渐进、互利共赢的原则，不断创新合作思路、拓宽合作渠道，探索出一条符合本地区实际的区域合作之路。去年举行的东盟与中韩日领导人会议确定了建设东亚共同体的长远目标，标志着区域合作进入了新的发展阶段。我们应该支持在能源、基建、环保、金融、农业等重点领域建立健全多边合作机制，努力形成优势互补、多元开放的合作格局。我们应该推动本地区各种合作机制相互交流、相互补充、相互促进。我们还应该利用本地区国家经济发展阶段的差异，积极引导产业转移，形成平等互利的产业合作链条，实
国会演讲稿 模板2
阅读小贴士：模板2共计1913个字，预计阅读时长5分钟。朗读需要10分钟，中速朗读13分钟，在庄重严肃场合朗读需要18分钟，有166位用户喜欢。
美国第32任总统富兰克林·d·罗斯福(franklin d. roosevelt )(1933—1945)，一直被视为美国历史上最伟大的总统之一，是20世纪美国最孚众望和受爱戴的总统，也是美国历史上惟一连任4届总统的人，从1933年3月起，直到1945年4月去世时为止，任职长达12年。曾赢得美国民众长达7周的高支持率，创下历史记录。
富兰克林·德拉诺·罗斯福出生于纽约。父亲詹姆斯·罗斯福是一个百万富翁。母亲萨拉·德拉诺比父亲小26岁。罗斯福曾就读于哈佛大学和哥伦比亚大学。1910年任纽约州参议员。1913年任海军部副部长。1921年因患脊髓灰质炎致残。1928年任纽约州长。1932年竞选总统获胜。执政后，以"新政"对付经济危机，颇有成效，故获得1936年、1940年、1944年大选连任。第二次世界大战初，美国采取不介入政策，但对希特勒采取强硬手段，以"租借法"支持同盟国。1941年底，美国参战。罗斯福代表美国两次参加同盟国"三巨头"会议。罗斯福政府提出了轴心国必须无条件投降的原则并得到了实施。罗斯福提出了建立联合国的构想，也得到了实施。63岁时由于脑溢血去世。
很多网友相信都看过电影《珍珠港》(pearl harbor)，第二次世界大战在欧亚大陆打的如火如荼，而跨海相隔的美国却隔岸观火，仿佛事不关己。直到1941年12月7日早晨7点53分，日本突袭美军在夏威夷的基地珍珠港。次日，美国总统罗斯福在国会愤然发表了这篇的演说，至此，太平洋战争全面爆发。
yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.
昨天，1941年12月7日──它将永远成为国耻日──美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海空军预谋的突然袭击。
yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.
last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.
last night, japanese forces attacked guam.
last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.
last night, the japanese attacked wake island.
and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.
昨天日本政府也发动了对马来地区的进攻。
昨夜日本军队进攻了香港。
昨夜日本军队进攻关岛。
昨夜日本军队进攻菲律宾群岛。
昨夜日本军队进攻威克岛。
今晨日本军队进攻了中途岛。
演讲全文：pearl harbor address to the nation
mr. vice president, mr. speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives:
yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.
the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.
indeed, one hour after japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the american island of oahu, the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state a formal reply to a recent american message. and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the e_isting diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.
it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and e_pressions of hope for continued peace.
the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces. i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost. in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and honolulu.
yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.
last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.
last night, japanese forces attacked guam.
last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.
last night, the japanese attacked wake island.
and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.
japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive e_tending throughout the pacific area. the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.
as commander in chief of the army and navy, i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.
no matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the american people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.
i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.
hostilities e_ist. there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.
with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.
i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has e_isted between the united states and the japanese empire.
国会演讲稿 模板3
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道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟(douglas macarthur)，美国陆军五星上将。出生于阿肯色州小石城的军人世家。1899年中学毕业后考入西点军校，1903年以名列第一的优异成绩毕业，到工程兵部队任职，并赴菲律宾执勤。麦克阿瑟有过50年的军事实践经验，被美国国民称之为"一代老兵"，而其自身的又曾是"美国最年轻的准将、西点军校最年轻的校长、美国陆军历史上最年轻的陆军参谋长"，凭借精妙的军事谋略和敢战敢胜的胆略，麦克阿瑟堪称美国战争史上的奇才。
提起这句话："老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零"（old soldiers never die, they just fade away），就不由得想起那个叼着玉米棒子烟斗的麦克阿瑟，和他在1951年4月19日被解职后在国会大厦发表的题为《老兵不死》著名演讲。
我即将结束五十二年的军旅生涯。我从军是在本世纪开始之前，而这是我童年的希望与梦想的实现。自从我在西点军校的教练场上宣誓以来，这个世界已经过多次变化，而我的希望与梦想早已消逝，但我仍记着当时最流行的一首军歌词，极为自豪地宣示"老兵永远不死，只会慢慢凋零"。
i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
就像这首歌中的老兵，一位想尽一已之责的老兵，而上帝也赐予光辉使他能看清这一项责任，而我现在结束了军旅生涯，而逐渐凋谢。
and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.
演讲全文：macarthur: farewell address to congress
mr. president, mr. speaker, and distinguished members of the congress:
i stand on this rostrum with a sense of deep humility and great pride -- humility in the weight of those great american architects of our history who have stood here before me; pride in the reflection that this home of legislative debate represents human liberty in the purest form yet devised. here are centered the hopes and aspirations and faith of the entire human race. i do not stand here as advocate for any partisan cause, for the issues are fundamental and reach quite beyond the realm of partisan consideration. they must be resolved on the highest plane of national interest if our course is to prove sound and our future protected. i trust, therefore, that you will do me the justice of receiving that which i have to say as solely e_pressing the considered viewpoint of a fellow american.
i address you with neither rancor nor bitterness in the fading twilight of life, with but one purpose in mind: to serve my country. the issues are global and so interlocked that to consider the problems of one sector, oblivious to those of another, is but to court disaster for the whole. while asia is commonly referred to as the gateway to europe, it is no less true that europe is the gateway to asia, and the broad influence of the one cannot fail to have its impact upon the other. there are those who claim our strength is inadequate to protect on both fronts, that we cannot divide our effort. i can think of no greater e_pression of defeatism. if a potential enemy can divide his strength on two fronts, it is for us to counter his effort. the communist threat is a global one. its successful advance in one sector threatens the destruction of every other sector. you can not appease or otherwise surrender to communism in asia without simultaneously undermining our efforts to halt its advance in europe.
beyond pointing out these general truisms, i shall confine my discussion to the general areas of asia. before one may objectively assess the situation now e_isting there, he must comprehend something of asia"s past and the revolutionary changes which have marked her course up to the present. long e_ploited by the so-called colonial powers, with little opportunity to achieve any degree of social justice, individual dignity, or a higher standard of life such as guided our own noble administration in the philippines, the peoples of asia found their opportunity in the war just past to throw off the shackles of colonialism and now see the dawn of new opportunity, a heretofore unfelt dignity, and the self-respect of political freedom.
mustering half of the earth"s population, and 60 percent of its natural resources these peoples are rapidly consolidating a new force, both moral and material, with which to raise the living standard and erect adaptations of the design of modern progress to their own distinct cultural environments. whether one adheres to the concept of colonization or not, this is the direction of asian progress and it may not be stopped. it is a corollary to the shift of the world economic frontiers as the whole epicenter of world affairs rotates back toward the area whence it started.
in this situation, it becomes vital that our own country orient its policies in consonance with this basic evolutionary condition rather than pursue a course blind to the reality that the colonial era is now past and the asian peoples covet the right to shape their own free destiny. what they seek now is friendly guidance, understanding, and support -- not imperious direction -- the dignity of equality and not the shame of subjugation. their pre-war standard of life, pitifully low, is infinitely lower now in the devastation left in war"s wake. world ideologies play little part in asian thinking and are little understood. what the peoples strive for is the opportunity for a little more food in their stomachs, a little better clothing on their backs, a little firmer roof over their heads, and the realization of the normal nationalist urge for political freedom. these political-social conditions have but an indirect bearing upon our own national security, but do form a backdrop to contemporary planning which must be thoughtfully considered if we are to avoid the pitfalls of unrealism.
of more direct and immediately bearing upon our national security are the changes wrought in the strategic potential of the pacific ocean in the course of the past war. prior thereto the western strategic frontier of the united states lay on the literal line of the americas, with an e_posed island salient e_tending out through hawaii, midway, and guam to the philippines. that salient proved not an outpost of strength but an avenue of weakness along which the enemy could and did attack.
the pacific was a potential area of advance for any predatory force intent upon striking at the bordering land areas. all this was changed by our pacific victory. our strategic frontier then shifted to embrace the entire pacific ocean, which became a vast moat to protect us as long as we held it. indeed, it acts as a protective shield for all of the americas and all free lands of the pacific ocean area. we control it to the shores of asia by a chain of islands e_tending in an arc from the aleutians to the mariannas held by us and our free allies. from this island chain we can dominate with sea and air power every asiatic port from vladivostok to singapore -- with sea and air power every port, as i said, from vladivostok to singapore -- and prevent any hostile movement into the pacific.
any predatory attack from asia must be an amphibious effort._ no amphibious force can be successful without control of the sea lanes and the air over those lanes in its avenue of advance. with naval and air supremacy and modest ground elements to defend bases, any major attack from continental asia toward us or our friends in the pacific would be doomed to failure.
under such conditions, the pacific no longer represents menacing avenues of approach for a prospective invader. it assumes, instead, the friendly aspect of a peaceful lake. our line of defense is a natural one and can be maintained with a minimum of military effort and e_pense. it envisions no attack against anyone, nor does it provide the bastions essential for offensive operations, but properly maintained, would be an invincible defense against aggression. the holding of this literal defense line in the western pacific is entirely dependent upon holding all segments thereof; for any major breach of that line by an unfriendly power would render vulnerable to determined attack every other major segment.
this is a military estimate as to which i have yet to find a military leader who will take e_ception. for that reason, i have strongly recommended in the past, as a matter of military urgency, that under no circumstances must formosa fall under communist control. such an eventuality would at once threaten the freedom of the philippines and the loss of japan and might well force our western frontier back to the coast of california, oregon and washington.
to understand the changes which now appear upon the chinese mainland, one must understand the changes in chinese character and culture over the past 50 years. china, up to 50 years ago, was completely non-homogenous, being compartmented into groups divided against each other. the war-making tendency was almost non-e_istent, as they still followed the tenets of the confucian ideal of pacifist culture. at the turn of the century, under the regime of chang tso lin, efforts toward greater homogeneity produced the start of a nationalist urge. this was further and more successfully developed under the leadership of chiang kai-shek, but has been brought to its greatest fruition under the present regime to the point that it has now taken on the character of a united nationalism of increasingly dominant, aggressive tendencies.
through these past 50 years the chinese people have thus become militarized in their concepts and in their ideals. they now constitute e_cellent soldiers, with competent staffs and commanders. this has produced a new and dominant power in asia, which, for its own purposes, is allied with soviet russia but which in its own concepts and methods has become aggressively imperialistic, with a lust for e_pansion and increased power normal to this type of imperialism.
there is little of the ideological concept either one way or another in the chinese make-up. the standard of living is so low and the capital accumulation has been so thoroughly dissipated by war that the masses are desperate and eager to follow any leadership which seems to promise the alleviation of local stringencies.
i have from the beginning believed that the chinese communists" support of the north koreans was the dominant one. their interests are, at present, parallel with those of the soviet. but i believe that the aggressiveness recently displayed not only in korea but also in indo-china and tibet and pointing potentially toward the south reflects predominantly the same lust for the e_pansion of power which has animated every would-be conqueror since the beginning of time.
the japanese people, since the war, have undergone the greatest reformation recorded in modern history. with a commendable will, eagerness to learn, and marked capacity to understand, they have, from the ashes left in war"s wake, erected in japan an edifice dedicated to the supremacy of individual liberty and personal dignity; and in the ensuing process there has been created a truly representative government committed to the advance of political morality, freedom of economic enterprise, and social justice.
politically, economically, and socially japan is now abreast of many free nations of the earth and will not again fail the universal trust. that it may be counted upon to wield a profoundly beneficial influence over the course of events in asia is attested by the magnificent manner in which the japanese people have met the recent challenge of war, unrest, and confusion surrounding them from the outside and checked communism within their own frontiers without the slightest slackening in their forward progress. i sent all four of our occupation divisions to the korean battlefront without the slightest qualms as to the effect of the resulting power vacuum upon japan. the results fully justified my faith. i know of no nation more serene, orderly, and industrious, nor in which higher hopes can be entertained for future constructive service in the advance of the human race.
of our former ward, the philippines, we can look forward in confidence that the e_isting unrest will be corrected and a strong and healthy nation will grow in the longer aftermath of war"s terrible destructiveness. we must be patient and understanding and never fail them -- as in our hour of need, they did not fail us. a christian nation, the philippines stand as a mighty bulwark of christianity in the far east, and its capacity for high moral leadership in asia is unlimited.
on formosa, the government of the republic of china has had the opportunity to refute by action much of the malicious gossip which so undermined the strength of its leadership on the chinese mainland. the formosan people are receiving a just and enlightened administration with majority representation on the organs of government, and politically, economically, and socially they appear to be advancing along sound and constructive lines.
with this brief insight into the surrounding areas, i now turn to the korean conflict. while i was not consulted prior to the president"s decision to intervene in support of the republic of korea, that decision from a military standpoint, proved a sound one, as we hurled back the invader and decimated his forces. our victory was complete, and our objectives within reach, when red china intervened with numerically superior ground forces.
this created a new war and an entirely new situation, a situation not contemplated when our forces were committed against the north korean invaders; a situation which called for new decisions in the diplomatic sphere to permit the realistic adjustment of military strategy.
such decisions have not been forthcoming.
while no man in his right mind would advocate sending our ground forces into continental china, and such was never given a thought, the new situation did urgently demand a drastic revision of strategic planning if our political aim was to defeat this new enemy as we had defeated the old.
apart from the military need, as i saw it, to neutralize the sanctuary protection given the enemy north of the yalu, i felt that military necessity in the conduct of the war made necessary: first the intensification of our economic blockade against china; two the imposition of a naval blockade against the china coast; three removal of restrictions on air reconnaissance of china"s coastal areas and of manchuria; four removal of restrictions on the forces of the republic of china on formosa, with logistical support to contribute to their effective operations against the common enemy.
for entertaining these views, all professionally designed to support our forces committed to korea and bring hostilities to an end with the least possible delay and at a saving of countless american and allied lives, i have been severely criticized in lay circles, principally abroad, despite my understanding that from a military standpoint the above views have been fully shared in the past by practically every military leader concerned with the korean campaign, including our own joint chiefs of staff.
i called for reinforcements but was informed that reinforcements were not available. i made clear that if not permitted to destroy the enemy built-up bases north of the yalu, if not permitted to utilize the friendly chinese force of some 600,000 men on formosa, if not permitted to blockade the china coast to prevent the chinese reds from getting succor from without, and if there were to be no hope of major reinforcements, the position of the command from the military standpoint forbade victory.
we could hold in korea by constant maneuver and in an appro_imate area where our supply line advantages were in balance with the supply line disadvantages of the enemy, but we could hope at best for only an indecisive campaign with its terrible and constant attrition upon our forces if the enemy utilized its full military potential. i have constantly called for the new political decisions essential to a solution.
efforts have been made to distort my position. it has been said, in effect, that i was a warmonger. nothing could be further from the truth. i know war as few other men now living know it, and nothing to me is more revolting. i have long advocated its complete abolition, as its very destructiveness on both friend and foe has rendered it useless as a means of settling international disputes. indeed, on the second day of september, nineteen hundred and forty-five, just following the surrender of the japanese nation on the battleship missouri, i formally cautioned as follows:
"men since the beginning of time have
sought peace. various methods through the
ages have been attempted to devise an
international process to prevent or settle
disputes between nations. from the very
start workable methods were found in so
far as individual citizens were concerned,
but the mechanics of an instrumentality of
larger international scope have never
been successful. military alliances,
balances of power, leagues of nations,
all in turn failed, leaving the only path to
be by way of the crucible of war. the
utter destructiveness of war now blocks
out this alternative. we have had our last
chance. if we will not devise some
greater and more equitable system,
armageddon will be at our door. the
problem basically is theological and
involves a spiritual recrudescence and
improvement of human character that will
synchronize with our almost matchless
advances in science, art, literature, and all
material and cultural developments of
the past 2000 years. it must be of the spirit
if we are to save the flesh."
but once war is forced upon us, there is no other alternative than to apply every available means to bring it to a swift end.
war"s very object is victory, not prolonged indecision.
in war there is no substitute for victory.
there are some who, for varying reasons, would appease red china. they are blind to history"s clear lesson, for history teaches with unmistakable emphasis that appeasement but begets new and bloodier war. it points to no single instance where this end has justified that means, where appeasement has led to more than a sham peace. like blackmail, it lays the basis for new and successively greater demands until, as in blackmail, violence becomes the only other alternative.
"why," my soldiers asked of me, "surrender military advantages to an enemy in the field?" i could not answer.
some may say: to avoid spread of the conflict into an all-out war with china; others, to avoid soviet intervention. neither e_planation seems valid, for china is already engaging with the ma_imum power it can commit, and the soviet will not necessarily mesh its actions with our moves. like a cobra, any new enemy will more likely strike whenever it feels that the relativity in military or other potential is in its favor on a world-wide basis.
the tragedy of korea is further heightened by the fact that its military action is confined to its territorial limits. it condemns that nation, which it is our purpose to save, to suffer the devastating impact of full naval and air bombardment while the enemy"s sanctuaries are fully protected from such attack and devastation.
of the nations of the world, korea alone, up to now, is the sole one which has risked its all against communism. the magnificence of the courage and fortitude of the korean people defies description.
they have chosen to risk death rather than slavery. their last words to me were: "don"t scuttle the pacific!"
i have just left your fighting sons in korea. they have met all tests there, and i can report to you without reservation that they are splendid in every way.
it was my constant effort to preserve them and end this savage conflict honorably and with the least loss of time and a minimum sacrifice of life. its growing bloodshed has caused me the deepest anguish and an_iety.
those gallant men will remain often in my thoughts and in my prayers always.
i am closing my 52 years of military service. when i joined the army, even before the turn of the century, it was the fulfillment of all of my boyish hopes and dreams. the world has turned over many times since i took the oath on the plain at west point, and the hopes and dreams have long since vanished, but i still remember the refrain of one of the most popular barrack ballads of that day which proclaimed most proudly that "old soldiers never die; they just fade away."
and like the old soldier of that ballad, i now close my military career and just fade away, an old soldier who tried to do his duty as god gave him the light to see that duty.
good bye.
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尊敬的农德孟____，尊敬的陈德良主席，尊敬的潘文凯总理，尊敬的阮文安国会主席，同志们，朋友们：
首先，我要感谢农德孟____、陈德良主席的盛情邀请，使我有机会再次访问越南。我曾于1998年和__年两次访问过你们美丽的国家，这次是第三次来访。每次访问，我都亲眼目睹了越南在社会主义建设和革新事业中取得的新成果，深深感受到越南人民对中国人民的深情厚意。在这里，我谨代表中国党、政府、人民，向越南党、政府、人民，致以诚挚的问候和良好的祝愿！
今年，是越南共产党建立75周年、越南社会主义共和国成立60周年、越南实现国家统一30周年。长期以来，在越南共产党领导下，越南人民坚持把马克思主义基本原理同本国具体实际相结合，经过艰苦奋斗，实现了民族解放和国家统一，建立起社会主义制度，开创了越南历史的新纪元。特别是上个世纪80年代中期以来，越南人民在探索符合越南国情的社会主义发展道路、实行革新事业上取得了令人瞩目的成就。今天的越南，社会政治稳定，经济文化发展，人民安居乐业，国际地位提高，呈现出欣欣向荣的景象。中国党、政府、人民为越南党、政府、人民取得的成就感到由衷的高兴，相信在越南共产党领导下，越南人民一定能够把自己的国家建设成为民富国强、社会公平、民主、文明的社会主义现代化工业国家。
同志们、朋友们！
作为亲密的同志，正像我们十分关注越南发展的情况一样，在座各位越南同志也关心中国发展的情况。在这里，我想向各位做扼要的介绍，以利于双方加强治党治国经验的交流。
今年，是中国共产党建立84周年、中华人民共和国成立56周年、中国实行改革开放27周年。长期以来，在中国共产党领导下，中国人民坚持以马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想、邓小平理论和"三个代表"重要思想为指导，坚持独立自主、改革开放、与时俱进，不断完善社会主义制度，不断探索和发展中国特色社会主义事业，使中国的面貌发生了天翻地覆的变化，社会生产力、综合国力和人民生活水平不断提高。从1978年到__年的26年间，中国国内生产总值从1473亿美元增长到16494亿美元，年均增长9.4%；进出口总额从206亿美元增长到11548亿美元，年均增长超过16%。__年底，中国累计实际利用外商直接投资额达到5621亿美元。今年1月至9月，中国经济继续平稳较快发展，国内生产总值达到12897亿美元，同比增长9.4%；进出口总额达到10245亿美元，同比增长23.7%。中国所以能够发生这样巨大的变化，关键是我们找到了建设中国特色社会主义这条适合中国国情的发展道路。
同时，我们也清醒地看到，中国仍是世界上最大的发展中国家，人口多、底子薄，发展很不平衡，在发展进程中还面临着不少突出的矛盾和问题。要实现全面建设小康社会的目标，需要我们继续付出艰苦的努力。
中国共产党第十六次全国代表大会提出了在本世纪头20年集中力量全面建设惠及十几亿人口的更高水平的小康社会的目标。这个目标，具体说来，就是要使中国国内生产总值到2024年比__年翻两番，达到40000亿美元左右，人均达到3000美元左右，使经济更加发展、民主更加健全、科教更加进步、文化更加繁荣、社会更加和谐、人民生活更加殷实。前不久，中国共产党召开了__届五中全会，审议通过了关于制定"__"时期中国国民经济和社会发展规划的建议，提出了中国"__"时期经济社会发展的指导思想、重要原则、主要任务和重大举措。中国各族人民正在为实现全面建设小康社会的宏伟目标而奋斗。
在实践中我们认识到，要实现中国经济社会又快又好发展，必须落实好以下几个方面的工作。
第一，要坚持以科学发展观统领经济社会发展全局。要顺利推进改革开放，实现中国经济社会持续快速协调健康发展，关键是要牢固树立和全面落实以人为本、全面协调可持续的科学发展观，把科学发展观贯穿于经济社会发展的全过程，落实到经济社会发展的各个环节。我们既要坚定不移地推进发展，又要坚持科学发展。要统筹城乡发展，统筹区域发展，统筹经济社会发展，统筹人与自然和谐发展，统筹国内发展和对外开放，走科技含量高、经济效益好、资源消耗低、环境污染少、人力资源优势得到充分发挥的新型工业化道路，实现生产发展、生活富裕、生态良好。我们强调以人为本，就是要坚持发展为了人民、发展依靠人民、发展成果由人民共享，坚持人民群众在建设中国特色社会主义事业中的主体地位，坚持把改善人民生活作为经济社会发展的目的和归宿，坚持权为民所用、情为民所系、利为民所谋，切实保障人民群众的经济、政治、文化权益，形成全体人民团结奋斗的强大力量。
第二，要促进社会主义政治文明、精神文明建设与物质文明建设协调发展。我们强调，中国特色社会主义是全面发展的事业。在推进物质文明建设的同时，必须坚持不懈地抓好社会主义政治文明、精神文明建设。要把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一起来，积极稳妥地推进政治体制改革，健全民主制度，扩大公民有序的政治参与，贯彻依法治国的基本方略，建设社会主义法治国家，保证人民依法实行民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督。要把握社会主义先进文化的前进方向，大力弘扬以爱国主义____民族精神和以改革创新____时代精神，提高全民族的思想道德素质和科学文化素质，为改革开放和现代化建设提供强大的思想保证、精神动力和智力支持。
第三，要着力构建社会主义和谐社会。社会和谐是我们的事业不断发展和取得成功的重要条件。我们所要建设的社会主义和谐社会，是一个民主法治、公平正义、诚信友爱、充满活力、安定有序、人与自然和谐相处的社会。我们强调，要从解决群众最关心的现实问题入手，积极扩大就业，加快完善社会保障体系，注重保障贫困人口的基本生活，加大调节收入分配的力度，推进社会管理体制创新，正确处理人民内部矛盾，妥善协调利益关系，保障人民群众安居乐业，扎扎实实推进和谐社会建设。
第四，要大力加强党的执政能力建设和先进性建设。我们党从自身的执政实践中深刻认识到，执政能力建设是党执政后的一项根本建设，党的先进性建设是马克思主义政党保持先进性的根本途径。要通过加强执政能力建设和先进性建设，不断提高驾驭社会主义市场经济的能力、发展社会主义民主政治的能力、建设社会主义先进文化的能力、构建社会主义和谐社会的能力、应对国际局势和处理国际事务的能力，使我们党保持与时俱进的品质、始终走在时代前列，不断提高执政能力、巩固执政地位、完成执政使命，更好地坚持立党为公、执政为民，更好地实现科学执政、民主执政、依法执政。
同志们、朋友们！
国际形势正在发生复杂而深刻的变化。和平与发展仍然是当今时代的主题，世界多极化和经济全球化的趋势深入发展，国际关系民主化继续推进，世界经济保持增长势头，科技进步日新月异，国际产业转移和生产要素流动加快，各国经济的相互依存和相互合作不断加深。这些都给我们带来了难得的发展机遇。同时，我们也面临着严峻的挑战，局部战争和冲突时起时伏，南北差距进一步拉大，恐怖势力、极端势力、分裂势力在一些地区还相当猖獗，环境污染、毒品走私、跨国犯罪、严重传染性疾病等跨国性问题十分突出。在这种机遇和挑战并存的国际形势下，世界各国应该加强合作，把握机遇，应对挑战，共同为建设一个持久和平、共同繁荣的和谐世界而努力。
中国外交政策的宗旨是维护世界和平、促进共同发展。中国将高举和平、发展、合作的旗帜，坚持独立自主的和平外交政策，坚定不移地走和平发展道路，坚持在和平共处五项原则的基础上同所有国家发展关系，同国际社会一道致力于人类和平与发展的崇高事业。我们主张，顺应历史潮流，积极促进世界多极化，积极促进经济全球化朝着有利于实现共同繁荣的方向发展，推动建立公正合理的国际政治经济新秩序；维护世界多样性，提倡国际关系民主化和发展模式多样化，国家不分大小、强弱、贫富一律平等，支持世界各种文明、不同社会制度和发展道路在竞争比较中取长补短、在求同存异____同发展；树立互信、互利、平等、协作的新安全观，通过对话和合作解决争端，反对诉诸武力或以武力相威胁，反对各种形式的霸权主义和强权政治，反对一切形式的恐怖主义。
中国的发展是和平的发展、开放的发展、合作的发展，既通过争取和平的国际环境来发展自己，又通过自己的发展来促进世界和平。中国将坚持把扩大内需作为经济社会发展的基本立足点和长期战略方针，同时坚持对外开放的基本国策，实施互利共赢的开放战略，同世界各国广泛开展交流合作。中国的发展不会妨碍任何人，更不会威胁任何人，只会有利于世界的和平、稳定、繁荣。
亚洲是我们共同的家园。中国的发展离不开亚洲，中国的发展是亚洲振兴的重要组成部分。我们历来主张，亚洲各国应该在政治上和睦相处、经济上互利合作、安全上互信协作、文化上相互促进。中国将坚定地奉行与邻为善、以邻为伴的周边外交方针和睦邻、安邻、富邻的周边外交政策
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尊敬的德里隆参议长，尊敬的德贝内西亚众议长，各位议员，女士们，先生们，朋友们：
菲律宾是中国的友好邻邦。中国人民对勤劳智慧的菲律宾人民一向怀有深厚的感情。首先，我愿借这个庄严的讲台，向菲律宾人民转达中国人民的诚挚问候和良好祝愿。
中国和菲律宾一水相隔、比邻而居，两国人民的传统友谊源远流长。早在1000多年前，中菲两国就开始贸易往来。500多年前，苏禄国王带着菲律宾人民的美好愿望踏上前往中国的友谊之路，在中菲友好史上留下了脍炙人口的佳话。100多年前，中国沿海许多居民漂洋过海来到菲律宾，同当地人民和睦相处、休戚与共，结下了兄弟般的深厚友情。中菲友谊经受住了时间和历史的考验，已成为两国人民共同拥有的宝贵财富。
今年是中菲建交30周年，值得我们两国和两国人民共同纪念。我高兴地看到，在双方共同努力下，中菲关系取得了长足发展，政治互信明显增强，经贸合作成果显著，文化交流日益密切，人员往来大幅增加。中菲两国在南海共同开发方面率先取得突破性进展，为使南海成为友谊之海、合作之海迈出了难能可贵的一步。正如阿罗约总统所说，中菲关系正处在发展的黄金时期。我完全赞同她的这一看法。我们一致同意，在两国和两国人民长期友好的基础上，积极建立中菲致力于和平与发展的战略性合作关系。
中菲建交30年的实践表明，政治互信是中菲关系发展的重要基础，互利合作是中菲关系发展的强大动力，维护和平、共同发展是中菲关系发展的战略方向。两国应该加强各层次、各领域的人员交流，特别是保持政府、议会、政党领导人的互访和交往，弘扬中菲传统友谊，不断增进相互了解和信任。
中菲都是发展中国家，发展经济是我们两国的首要任务。加强互利合作，不仅是中菲两国自身发展的需要，而且有利于拓展两国的共同利益，为中菲关系发展源源不断地注入强大动力。近年来，中菲经贸合作取得的成果表明，两国经济互补性很强，合作潜力巨大。双方应该充分发挥各自优势，进一步扩大贸易合作，加强在农业、渔业、基础设施建设、矿产资源开发、旅游等领域的合作，努力将中菲经贸合作推向更高水平。
回顾过去，中菲关系硕果累累；展望未来，中菲合作大有可为。我们愿同菲律宾各界朋友一道，承前启后，继往开来，共同开创中菲关系更加美好的明天。
女士们、先生们！
中菲都地处亚洲，亚洲是我们共同的家园，亚洲的兴盛关系到我们的共同命运。亚洲国家在维护地区和平、促进共同发展方面有着广泛共识，这决定了本地区国家间关系总体上是稳定的，协调和合作已成为多数国家的政策取向。当然，我们也要看到，恐怖主义、分裂主义和宗教极端势力仍然是威胁亚洲地区和平稳定的不确定因素，发展不平衡、贫困、传染性疾病等问题仍然使亚洲经济社会发展面临严峻的挑战。
发展是亚洲的首要任务。历史上，亚洲人民百折不挠，为谋求发展进行了不懈努力。近年来，亚洲人民用自己的双手，凭借勤劳智慧和顽强意志，克服了亚洲金融危机、非典疫病等的严重冲击，经济恢复迅速，增长势头强劲。目前，亚洲经济总量已占全球的四分之一，贸易额占全球的三分之一，继续是全球富有强大发展活力和潜力的地区。
合作是亚洲的主流。在经济全球化和区域一体化的趋势深入发展的进程中，亚洲各国更加深刻地认识到合作的重要性。亚洲区域合作方兴未艾，从东盟、南盟到10+1、10+3、亚洲合作对话等一系列合作机制的形成表明，以合作求发展，以合作促繁荣，已成为亚洲国家的共同目标，也为亚洲发展展示了更加广阔的前景。
女士们、先生们！
27年前，在邓小平先生领导下，中国开始了改革开放的伟大进程，走上建设中国特色社会主义道路。27年来，中国人民在物质文明、政治文明、精神文明建设方面都取得了世所公认的成就，中国发生了历史上最为深刻的变化。从1978年到__年，中国国内生产总值从1473亿美元增长到16494亿美元，年均增长9.4%；进出口总额从206亿美元增长到11548亿美元，上升为世界第三位，年均增长超过16%。农村贫困人口从2.5亿人减少到2600万人。全面建设小康社会是中国到2024年的奋斗目标。我们准备再用__年时间，把国内生产总值提高到40000亿美元左右，人均提高到3000美元左右，使经济更加繁荣、民主更加健全、科教更加进步、文化更加繁荣、社会更加和谐、人民生活更加殷实。
中国的快速发展不仅改善了13亿中国人民的生活，也为中国扩大同世界各国特别是周边国家的合作创造了重要机遇。中国经济发展为东亚经济提供了一个最为强劲的引擎，也为周边国家提供了一个增长最快的出口市场。近年来，中国和东盟的年贸易额一直保持着近30%的增长速度，__年双方贸易额达到1059亿美元。随着中国－东盟自由贸易区建设的不断推进，我们完全有信心在__年前实现中国和东盟年贸易额达到__亿美元的目标。
中国一贯致力于促进本地区的和平、稳定、繁荣。在应对亚洲金融危机的过程中，中国坚持人民币币值稳定，为亚洲国家最终战胜危机尽了自己的责任。在抗击非典疫病的过程中，中国和东盟国家风雨同舟、共度时艰。在应对印度洋地震海啸灾难的过程中，中国政府和人民同受灾国政府和人民心心相系、患难与共，开展了中国政府迄今为止最大规模的对外救援行动。
女士们、先生们、朋友们！
亲仁善邻，是中国千年传承的优良传统。中国政府将继续奉行"与邻为善、以邻为伴"的周边外交方针和"睦邻、安邻、富邻"的周边外交政策，坚定不移地发展同包括东盟国家在内的周边国家长期稳定的友好合作关系。
我们高兴地看到，中国－东盟面向和平与繁荣的战略伙伴关系发展势头很好，政治互信明显增强，合作水平不断提升。去年底举行的中国和东盟领导人会议，通过了落实中国－东盟面向和平与繁荣的战略伙伴关系联合宣言的行动计划，对双方在各领域的合作作出了详细规划。这对充实中国－东盟战略伙伴关系具有重要意义。中国愿同东盟一道积极落实行动计划，推动双方关系更加全面、系统、规范、务实地向前发展。
中国和东盟将于今年7月全面启动关税降税进程，这标志着中国－东盟自由贸易区建设进入了一个新的发展阶段。中方愿同东盟国家一道继续努力，确保自由贸易区如期建成。我们也希望同东盟国家充分发挥各自优势，积极推进在农业、渔业、基础设施建设、能源和资源开发、旅游等领域的合作。中国政府将继续鼓励中国企业前往东盟国家投资兴业，积极参加东盟东部增长区建设。
中国坚持独立自主的和平外交政策，坚持走和平发展的道路，主张树立互信、互利、平等、协作的新安全观，坚持通过对话解决分歧，通过合作促进共同安全。我们支持东盟地区论坛不断发展，希望开展区域内安全战略对话，并愿同东盟一起落实《南海各方行为宣言》后续行动，加强双方在反恐、打击跨国犯罪、海上安全、卫生防疫、防灾减灾等非传统安全领域的合作。
东盟决定今年底举办首次东亚峰会，这是本地区合作进程中的一件大事，国际社会广泛关注。中国将一如既往地尊重东盟共识，支持东盟在东亚合作进程中继续发挥主导作用，同东盟一道推动首次东亚峰会取得成功。
女士们、先生们、朋友们！
发展同菲律宾等东盟国家的睦邻友好合作，实现中国和东盟共同发展繁荣，是中国政府的既定政策。让我们携起手来，把握机遇，开拓创新，为谱写中菲睦邻友好合作的新篇章、为开创本地区更加美好的未来而共同奋斗。
谢谢大家。
