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美国总统林肯的就职演讲

first inaugural address of abraham lincoln

monday, march 4, 1861

fellow-citizens of the united states:

in compliance with a custom as old as the government itself, i appear before you to address you briefly and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by the constitution of the united states to be taken by the president before he enters on the e_ecution of this office."

i do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special an_iety or e_citement.

apprehension seems to e_ist among the people of the southern states that by the accession of a republican administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. there has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while e_isted and been open to their inspection. it is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. i do but quote from one of those speeches when i declare that--

i have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it e_ists. i believe i have no lawful right to do so, and i have no inclination to do so.

those who nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that i had made this and many similar declarations and had never recanted them; and more than this, they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which i now read:

resolved, that the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, and especially the right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment e_clusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, no matter what prete_t, as among the gravest of crimes.

i now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing so i only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. i add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the constitution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given to all the states when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause--as cheerfully to one section as to another.

there is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. the clause i now read is as plainly written in the constitution as any other of its provisions:

no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.

it is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. all members of congress swear their support to the whole constitution--to this provision as much as to any other. to the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall be delivered up" their oaths are unanimous. now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not with nearly equal unanimity frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath?

there is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by state authority, but surely that difference is not a very material one. if the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done. and should anyone in any case be content that his oath shall go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept?

again: in any law upon this subject ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not in any case surrendered as a slave? and might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the constitution which guarantees that "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states"?

i take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations and with no purpose to construe the constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while i do not choose now to specify particular acts of congress as proper to be enforced, i do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed than to violate any of them trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.

it is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a president under our national constitution. during that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the e_ecutive branch of the government. they have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. yet, with all this scope of precedent, i now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. a disruption of the federal union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.

i hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the constitution the union of these states is perpetual. perpetuity is implied, if not e_pressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. it is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. continue to e_ecute all the e_press provisions of our national constitution, and the union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it e_cept by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.

again: if the united states be not a government proper, but an association of states in the nature of contract merely, can it, as acontract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? one party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?

descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the union is perpetual confirmed by the history of the union itself. the union is much older than the constitution. it was formed, in fact, by the articles of association in 1774. it was matured and continued by the declaration of independence in 1776. it was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen states e_pressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the articles of confederation in 1778. and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the constitution was "to form a more perfect union."

but if destruction of the union by one or by a part only of the states be lawfully possible, the union is less perfect than before the constitution, having lost the vital element of perpetuity.

it follows from these views that no state upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any state or states against the authority of the united states are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances.

i therefore consider that in view of the constitution and the laws the union is unbroken, and to the e_tent of my ability, i shall take care, as the constitution itself e_pressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the union be faithfully e_ecuted in all the states. doing this i deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and ishall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the american people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. i trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.

in doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. the power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. where hostility to the united states in any interior locality shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obno_ious strangers among the people for that object. while the strict legal right may e_ist in the government to enforce the e_ercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable withal that i deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices.

the mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the union. so far as possible the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. the course here indicated will be followed unless current events and e_perience shall show a modification or change to be proper, and in every case and e_igency my best discretion will be e_ercised, according to circumstances actually e_isting and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections.

that there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the union at all events and are glad of any prete_t to do it i will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, i need address no word to them. to those, however, who really love the union may i not speak?

before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real e_istence? will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?

all profess to be content in the union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the constitution has been denied? i think not. happily, the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision of the constitution has ever been denied. if by the mere force of numbers a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written constitutional right, it might in a moral point of view justify revolution; certainly would if such right were a vital one. but such is not our case. all the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guaranties and prohibitions, in the constitution that controversies never arise concerning them. but no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. no foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain e_press provisions for all possible questions. shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by state authority? the constitution does not e_pressly say. may congress prohibit slavery in the territories? the constitution does not e_pressly say. must congress protect slavery in the territories? the constitution does not e_pressly say.

from questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. if the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the government must cease. there is no other alternative, for continuing the government is acquiescence on one side or the other. if a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. for instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present union now claim to secede from it? all who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the e_act temper of doing this.

is there such perfect identity of interests among the states to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?

plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. a majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. unanimity is impossible. the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.

i do not forget the position assumed by some that constitutional questions are to be decided by the supreme court, nor do i deny that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments of the government. and while it is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a different practice. at the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fi_ed by decisions of the supreme court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that e_tent practically resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. it is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.

one section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be e_tended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be e_tended. this is the only substantial dispute. the fugitive- slave clause of the constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. the great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. this, i think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. the foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other.

physically speaking, we can not separate. we can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. a husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. they can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you.

this country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. whenever they shall grow weary of the e_isting government, they can e_ercise their constitutional right of amending it or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. i can not be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national constitution amended. while i make no recommendation of amendments, i fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be e_ercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and i should, under e_isting circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. i will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. i understand a proposed amendment to the constitution--which amendment, however, i have not seen--has passed congress, to the effect that the federal government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of the states, including that of persons held to service. to avoid misconstruction of what i have said, i depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far as to say that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional law, i have no objection to its being made e_press and irrevocable.

the chief magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have referred none upon him to fi_ terms for the separation of the states. the people themselves can do this if also they choose, but the e_ecutive as such has nothing to do with it. his duty is to administer the present government as it came to his hands and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor.

why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? is there any better or equal hope in the world? in our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? if the almighty ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the north, or on yours of the south, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the american people.

by the frame of the government under which we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. while the people retain their virtue and vigilance no administration by any e_treme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the government in the short space of four years.

my countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. if there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. if it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. intelligence, patriotism, christianity, and a firm reliance on him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.

in your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. the government will not assail you. you can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. you have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while i shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."

i am loath to close. we are not enemies, but friends. we must not be enemies. though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. the mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.

亚伯拉罕-林肯第一次就职演讲

星期一,1861年3月4日

我今天正式宣誓时，并没有保留意见，也无意以任何苛刻的标准来解释宪法和法律，尽管我不想具体指明国会通过的哪些法案是适合施行的?但我确实要建议，所有的人，不论处于官方还是私人的地位，都得遵守那些未被废止的法令，这比泰然自若地认为其中某个法案是违背宪法的而去触犯它，要稳当得多。

自从第一任总统根据我国宪法就职以来已经72年了。在此期间，有15位十分杰出的公民相继主持了政府的行政部门。他们在许多艰难险阻中履行职责，大致说来都很成功。然而，虽有这样的先例，我现在开始担任这个按宪法规定任期只有短暂4年的同一职务时，却处在巨大而特殊的困难之下。联邦的分裂，在此以前只是一种威胁，现在却已成为可怕的行动。

从一般法律和宪法角度来考虑，我认为由各州组成的联邦是永久性的。在合国政府的根本法中，永久性即使没有明确规定，也是不盲而喻的。我们有把握说，从来没有哪个正规政府在自己的组织法中列入一项要结束自己执政的条款。继续执行我国宪法明文规定的条款，联邦就将永远存在，毁灭联邦是办不到的，除非采取宪法本身未予规定的某种行动。再者：假如合众国不是名副其实的政府，而只是具有契约性质的各州的联盟，那么，作为一种契约，这个联盟能够毫无争议地由纬约各方中的少数加以取消吗?缔约的一方可以违约——也可以说毁约——但是，合法地废止契约难道不需要缔约各方全都同意吗?从这些一般原则在下推，我们认为，从法律上来说，联邦是永久性的这一主张已经为联邦本身的历史所证实。联邦的历史比宪法长久得多。事实上，它在1774年就根据《联合条款》组成了。1776年，《独立宣言》使它臻子成熟并持续下来。1778年《邦联条款》使联邦愈趋成熟，当时的13个州都信誓旦旦地明确保证联邦应该永存，最后，1787年制定宪法时所宣市的日标之一就是"建设更完善的联邦"。

但是，如果联邦竟能由一个州或几个州按照法律加以取消的话，那么联邦就不如制宪前完善了，因为它丧失了永久性这个重要因素。

根据这些观点，任何一个州都不能只凭自己的动仪就能合法地脱离联邦;凡为此目的而作出的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的，任何一个州或几个州反对合众国当局的暴力行动都应根据憎况视为叛乱或革命。因此，我认为，根据宪法和法律，联邦是不容分裂的;我将按宪法本身明确授予我的权限，就自己能力所及，使联邦法律得以在各州忠实执行。我认为这仅仅是我份内的职责，我将以可行的方法去完成，除非我的合法主人——美国人民，不给予我必要的手段，或以权威的方式作出相反的指示，我相信大家下会把这看作是一种威胁，而只看作是联邦已宣布过的目标：它将按照宪法保卫和维护它自身。

以自然条件而言，我们是不能分开的，我们无法把各个地区彼此挪开，也无法在彼此之间筑起一堵无法逾越的墙垣。夫妻可以离婚，不再见面，互不接触，但是我们国家的各个地区就不可能那样做。它们仍得面对面地相处，它们之间还得有或者友好或者敌对的交往。那么，分开之后的交往是否可能比分开之前更有好处，更令人满意呢?外人之间订立条约难道还比朋友之间制定法律容易吗?外人之间执行条约难道还比朋友之间执行法律忠实吗?假定你们进行战争?你们不可能永远打下去;在双方损失惨重，任何一方都得不到好处之后，你们就会停止战斗，那时你们还会遇到诸如交往条件之类的老问题。

总统的一切权力来自人民，但人民没有授权给他为各州的分离规定条件。如果人民有此意愿，那他们可以这样做，而作为总统来说，则不可能这样做。他的责任是管理交给他的这一届政府，井将它完整地移交给他的继任者。

为什么我们不能对人民所具有的最高的公正抱有坚韧的信念呢?世界上还有比这更好或一样好的希望吗?在我何日前的分歧中，难道双方都缺乏相信自己正确的信心吗?如果万国全能的主宰以其永恒的真理和正义支持你北方这一边，或者支持你南方这一边，那么，那种真理和那种正义必将通过美国人民这个伟大法庭的裁决而取得胜利。

就是这些美国人民，通过我们现有的政府结构，明智地只给他们的公仆很小的权力，使他们不能力害作恶，并且同样明智地每隔很短的时间就把那小小的权力收回到自己手中。只要人民保持其力量和警惕，无论怎样作恶和愚蠢的执政人员都不能在短短4年的任期内十分严重地损害政府。我的同胞们，大家平静而认真地思考整个这一问题吧。任何宝贵的东西都下会因为从容对待而丧失，假使有一个目标火急地催促你们中随便哪一位采取一个措施，而你决不能不慌不忙，那么那个目标会因从容对待而落空;但是，任何好的目标是不会因为从容对待而落空的，你们现在感到不满意的人仍然有着原来的、完好元损的宪法，而且，在敏感问题上，你们有着自己根据这部宪法制定的各项法律;而新的一届政府即使想改变这两种情况，也没有直接的权力那样做。那些不满意的人在这场争论中即使被承认是站在正确的一边，也没有一点正当理由采取鲁莽的行动。理智、爱国精神、基行教义以及对从不抛弃这片幸福土地的上帝的信仰，这些仍然能以最好的方式来解决我们目前的一切困难。不满意的同胞们，内战这个重大问题的关键掌握在你们手中，而不掌握在我手中，政府不会对你们发动攻击。你们不当挑衅者，就下会面临冲突。你们没有对天发誓要毁灭政府，而我却要立下最庄严的誓言："坚守、维护和捍卫合众国宪法。"我不愿意就此结束演说。我们不是敌人，而是朋友。我们一定不要成为敌人。尽管情绪紧张，也决不应割断我们之间的感情纽带。记忆的神秘琴弦，从每一个战场和爱国志上的坟墓伸向这片广阔土地上的每一颗跳动的心和家庭，必将再度被我们善良的夭性所拨响，那时就会高奏起联邦大团结的乐章。

总统演讲稿 模板2

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fellow citizens: for eight years, it has been my honor to serve as your president. the first decade of this new century has been a period of consequence - a time set apart. tonight, with a thankful heart, i have asked for a final opportunity to share some thoughts on the journey we have traveled together and the future of our nation.

八年的总统生涯，是美国人民赋予我的荣耀！21世纪的前10年是一个并不寻常的时期。今晚，我带着一颗感恩的心来到这里，并且我希望你们能给我最后一次机会，因为我想和你们分享我对过去八总统生涯的想法，以及我对国家未来的展望。

five days from now, the world will witness the vitality of american democracy. in a tradition dating back to our founding, the presidency will pass to a successor chosen by you, the american people. standing on the steps of the capitol will be a man whose story reflects the enduring promise of our land. this is a moment of hope and pride for our whole nation. and i join all americans in offering best wishes to president-elect obama, his wife michelle, and their two beautiful girls.

5 天以后，全世界就将会看到美国民主的活力。我即将把我的工作交由你们心目中的理想总统，奥巴马！能够接受全美人民崇敬的人，必须能够为你们，为这片土地带来希望。对于我们的国家来说，这是一个充满希望和自豪的时刻。并且，我渴望与美国人民一道为奥巴马，他的妻子和两个漂亮的女儿送去美好的祝愿。

tonight i am filled with gratitude - to vice president cheney and members of the administration; to laura, who brought joy to this house and love to my life; to our wonderful daughters, barbara and jenna; to my parents, whose e_amples have provided strength for a lifetime. and above all, i thank the american people for the trust you have given me. i thank you for the prayers that have lifted my spirits. and i thank you for the countless acts of courage, generosity, and grace that i have witnessed these past eight years.

今 天，我满怀感激之情，感谢我的副总统切尼以及我所有的政府成员。我还要感谢我的妻子劳拉和我的女儿芭芭拉，詹娜，是她们给我的生活带来了无尽的快乐和爱意。我感谢我的父母，是他们给予了我前进的动力。最重要的是，我感谢美国人民给予我的信任，我感谢你们给予我的勇气、宽容。

今 晚，我的思绪回到了2001年的9月11日。当天早晨，恐怖分子带走了近3000人的生命。自珍珠港事件后，恐怖分子制造了美国历史上最严重的一次恐怖袭击。我想起了3天后我站在世贸中心废墟前的情景，那时，我诚挚地与那些夜以继日抢救伤者的救援工人们交谈，他们不顾自己的危险，在浓烟滚滚的五角大楼的走廊里抓紧工作。同时，我也为不幸遇难的人感到痛心，他们是我们的英雄！我想起了阿琳-霍华德，他当时把他死去儿子的警察盾牌交给了我，以表达对逝者的思念之情。而现在，我仍然珍藏着他的徽章。

as the years passed, most americans were able to return to life much as it had been before nine-eleven. but i never did. every morning, i received a briefing on the threats to our nation. and i vowed to do everything in my power to keep us safe.

随着时间的推移，大部分的美国人民能够从悲痛中解脱出来，并重归"9.11"之前正常的生活。然而，我还没有解脱。每天清晨，我都会收到简报，获知是什么还在威胁着我们国家的安全，并且我发誓一定会竭尽全力来维护你们的安全。

over the past seven years, a new department of homeland security has been created. the military, the intelligence community, and the fbi have been transformed. our nation is equipped with new tools to monitor the terrorists" movements, freeze their finances, and break up their plots. and with strong allies at our side, we have taken the fight to the terrorists and those who support them. afghanistan has gone from a nation where the taliban harbored al qaeda and stoned women in the streets to a young democracy that is fighting terror and encouraging girls to go to school. iraq has gone from a brutal dictatorship and a sworn enemy of america to an arab democracy at the heart of the middle east and a friend of the united states.

在 过去的7年中，我们成立了新的国土安全部。我们的军队，军事情报部门，以及fbi都进行了改革。为了监视恐怖分子的行动，我们已经做了充分的准备，我们冻 结了恐怖分子的账户，并屡屡打破了他们的图谋。我们身边也有强大的同盟国，并且我们携起手来共同打击恐怖分子以及那些支持恐怖分子的人。在我们的帮助下，阿富汗已经由恐怖主义的天堂转变成了一个尚未成熟的民主国家，那里的人们正和恐怖主义战斗。此外，女孩子上学也得到了应有的尊重。伊拉克也已经摆脱了萨达 姆的残酷统治，并且其不再是美国人民的敌人。相反，伊拉克已经成为了中东地区阿拉伯民主的核心和美国的朋友。

there is legitimate debate about many of these decisions. but there can be little debate about the results. america has gone more than seven years without another terrorist attack on our soil. this is a tribute to those who toil day and night to keep us safe - law enforcement officers, intelligence analysts, homeland security and diplomatic personnel, and the men and women of the united states armed forces.

针对我的许多决策，有人对其合法性表示出怀疑。但是，当我们看到结果时这些人就不会再发出疑问了。在过去的七年多来，美国本土再也没有遭受过恐怖袭击。这要归功于那些日夜辛劳保护我们安全的人们：执法人员、情报分析员、国土安全人员、外交人员、以及美军的士兵们。

our nation is blessed to have citizens who volunteer to defend us in this time of danger. i have cherished meeting these selfless patriots and their families. america owes you a debt of gratitude. and to all our men and women in uniform listening tonight: there has been no higher honor than serving as your commander in chief.

受上帝的恩典，美国有这些愿意在国家危难之际挺身保护他人的公民。我非常珍惜美国可以拥有这些无私的爱国者及其家庭。美国感激你们。对于那些正在收听的演讲的美军士兵们来说，没有什么荣誉要比让你当上总司令还要崇高。

the battles waged by our troops are part of a broader struggle between two dramatically different systems. under one, a small band of fanatics demands total obedience to an oppressive ideology, condemns women to subservience, and marks unbelievers for murder. the other system is based on the conviction that freedom is the universal gift of almighty god and that liberty and justice light the path to peace.

美 军正在从事的战争从属于两种系统之间的冲突，而这两种系统又有天壤之别。在其中的一种系统中，一小撮狂热分子要求所有人都服从于他们所制定的暴虐的意识形态，这些人让妇女屈从，而对那些不相信他们暴政的人进行谋杀。而另一种系统则相信自由是上帝给予全世界的礼物，自由与正义是通往和平的道路。

this is the belief that gave birth to our nation. and in the long run, advancing this belief is the only practical way to protect our citizens. when people live in freedom, they do not willingly choose leaders who pursue campaigns of terror. when people have hope in the future, they will not cede their lives to violence and e_tremism. so around the world, america is promoting human liberty, human rights, and human dignity. we are standing with dissidents and young democracies, providing aids medicine to bring dying patients back to life, and sparing mothers and babies from malaria. and this great republic born alone in liberty is leading the world toward a new age when freedom belongs to all nations.

美 国，正是基于这样的信念诞生的。从长远来看，推广这种理念是保护我们公民的唯一选择。当人们生活在自由之中时，他们就不愿再去选择那些追求恐怖活动的领导者。当人们对未来怀有希望时，他们就不会将自己的生命交给暴力和极端主义。环视全球，美国正在推动人类自由、人权及人的尊严的发展。我们同持有不同政见者 以及年轻的民主国家同在，我们为挽救生命而提供治疗艾滋病的药物，我们避免母亲和自己的孩子染上疟疾。自由是美国成立的唯一基石，并且领导世界向一个自由普照全球的时代发展。

for eight years, we have also strived to e_pand opportunity and hope here at home. across our country, students are rising to meet higher standards in public schools. a new medicare prescription drug benefit is bringing peace of mind to seniors and the disabled. every ta_payer pays lower income ta_es. the addicted and suffering are finding new hope through faith-based programs. vulnerable human life is better protected. funding for our veterans has nearly doubled. america"s air, water, and lands are measurably cleaner. and the federal bench includes wise new members like justice sam alito and chief justice john roberts.

过 去的八年，我们努力扩大美国人民所拥有的机会与希望。在美国，学生不断上进，以求符合公立学校更高的标准。对于老人和残疾人来说，一种新的医疗处方药福利令他们颇感舒心。每个纳税人缴纳了更少的税款。通过以信仰为基础的治疗项目，那些瘾君子和痛苦的人们找到了新希望。过去八年来的工作更好地保护了人脆弱的 生命。对于退伍老兵的补助几乎增加了一倍。美国的一山一水都真切地变得更为干净。睿智的山姆-阿力拓、首席法官约翰-罗伯茨加入到联邦法院中。

when challenges to our prosperity emerged, we rose to meet them. facing the prospect of a financial collapse, we took decisive measures to safeguard our economy. these are very tough times for hardworking families, but the toll would be far worse if we had not acted. all americans are in this together. and together, with determination and hard work, we will restore our economy to the path of growth. we will show the world once again the resilience of america"s free enterprise system.

当 美国的繁荣遇到挑战时，我们勇敢地去面对。当金融危机发生时，我们采取果断措施来保护我们的经济。对于那些辛勤工作的家庭来说，这些都是十分艰难的时期。但是如果我们不采取行动的话，结果将会更为糟糕。所有的美国人都站在了一起。凭借着我们的决心和辛勤工作，我们将美国经济重新拉回到增长的车道上。我们将 向世界再次展现美国自由企业制度的复兴。

like all who have held this office before me, i have e_perienced setbacks. there are things i would do differently if given the chance. yet i have always acted with the best interests of our country in mind. i have followed my conscience and done what i thought was right. you may not agree with some tough decisions i have made. but i hope you can agree that i was willing to make the tough decisions.

正如所有前任总统一样，我也曾经历过挫折。如果可能的话，我会采取不一样的方式来应对这些措施。但是，我总是为国家利益的最大化来行动。你也许会不同意我所做出的一些决定，但我希望你能理解我是愿意采取这些措施的。

the decades ahead will bring more hard choices for our country, and there are some guiding principles that should shape our course.

未来的几十年，美国将面对更多的艰难抉择，而有一些指导性原则可以塑造我们的道路。

while our nation is safer than it was seven years ago, the gravest threat to our people remains another terrorist attack. our enemies are patient and determined to strike again. america did nothing to seek or deserve this conflict. but we have been given solemn responsibilities, and we must meet them. we must resist complacency. we must keep our resolve. and we must never let down our guard.

尽管我们的国家要比7年前更为安全，但目前美国最严峻的威胁仍然是另一场恐怖袭击。我们的敌人十分耐心，并且决心要再次发动袭击。美国没有故意挑起冲突。但是我们肩负着庄严的责任，必须同恐怖主义作斗争。我们不能骄傲自满，我们要坚定决心，我们绝不能放松警惕。

at the same time, we must continue to engage the world with confidence and clear purpose. in the face of threats from abroad, it can be tempting to seek comfort by turning inward. but we must reject isolationism and its companion, protectionism. retreating behind our borders would only invite danger. in the 21st century, security and prosperity at home depend on the e_pansion of liberty abroad. if america does not lead the cause of freedom, that cause will not be led.

与 此同时，我们必须带着信心和清晰的目标参与世界事务。面对来自海外的威胁，在国内寻求安慰是一种诱人的举措。但是我们必须拒绝孤立主义与保护主义。退缩只会找来危险。在21世纪，国内的安全和繁荣需要依靠国外自由的扩展。如果美国不领导自由事业，那么自由事业就将无所适从。

as we address these challenges - and others we cannot foresee tonight - america must maintain our moral clarity. i have often spoken to you about good and evil. this has made some uncomfortable. but good and evil are present in this world, and between the two there can be no compromise. murdering the innocent to advance an ideology is wrong every time, everywhere. freeing people from oppression and despair is eternally right. this nation must continue to speak out for justice and truth. we must always be willing to act in their defense and to advance the cause of peace.

一方面我们在处理这些眼前和未来的挑战，另一方面美国必须保持自己在道义上的明确性。我经常谈及 善恶问题，这令一些人颇感不适。但是目前这个世界确实存在着善恶双方，而且双方之间无法达成妥协。通过谋杀无辜来宣扬某种意识形态无论在何时何地都是错误的。将人们从压迫与绝望中解救出来是永远正确的。美国必须坚持为正义与真理而呼喊，我们必须保护正义与真理，并且推动和平事业的发展。

president thomas jefferson once wrote, "i like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past." as i leave the house he occupied two centuries ago, i share that optimism. america is a young country, full of vitality, constantly growing and renewing itself. and even in the toughest times, we lift our eyes to the broad horizon ahead.

托马斯-杰斐逊曾写到："相比于过去的历史，我更喜欢未来的梦想。"随着我马上要离开白宫，我赞同杰斐逊这样的乐观精神。美国是一个年轻的国家，充满了活力，不断发展与更新。即便在最艰难的时候，美国仍然没有放弃对未来的梦想。

i have confidence in the promise of america because i know the character of our people. this is a nation that inspires immigrants to risk everything for the dream of freedom. this is a nation where citizens show calm in times of danger and compassion in the face of suffering. we see e_amples of america"s character all around us. and laura and i have invited some of them to join us in the white house this evening.

我 了解我们民族的特质，因此我也相信美国的明天会更美好。这是一个鼓励移民们为自由的梦想而去尝试一切事情的国家，这是一个在面对危险使仍然镇定的国家，这是一个面对苦难仍抱有同情心的国家。我们在身边的每一个人身上都可以看到美国的特征。今晚，受我和夫人劳拉的邀请，一切代表也来到了白宫。

we see america"s character in dr. tony recasner, a principal who opened a new charter school from the ruins of hurricane katrina. we see it in julio medina, a former inmate who leads a faith-based program to help prisoners returning to society. we see it in staff sergeant aubrey mcdade, who charged into an ambush in iraq and rescued three of his fellow marines.

我们看到里卡斯钠博士的美国特质，这位校长在卡特里娜飓风的废墟中开办一所新的特许学校。我们看到麦地那身上的美 国特质，这位前囚犯带领一个以信仰为基础的项目，帮助囚犯重回社会。我们在上士麦达德身上的美国特质，他负责伊拉克的一次埋伏并拯救了三名同伴的海军陆战队队员。

we see america"s character in bill krissoff, a surgeon from california. his son nathan, a marine, gave his life in iraq. when i met dr. krissoff and his family, he delivered some surprising news: he told me he wanted to join the navy medical corps in honor of his son. this good man was 60 years old – 18 years above the age limit. but his petition for a waiver was granted, and for the past year he has trained in battlefield medicine. lieutenant commander krissoff could not be here tonight, because he will soon deploy to iraq, where he will help save america"s wounded warriors and uphold the legacy of his fallen son.

我 在外科医生克里索夫身上看到了美国人民的伟大个性。克里索夫的儿子，一名海军，在伊拉克光荣地献出了自己的生命。当我见到克里索夫和他家人的时候，他告诉了我一个惊人的消息：他告诉我，为了缅怀儿子，他希望加入美国海军医疗团。克里索夫已经60岁了，超过了年龄限制，但是他的申请得到了批准。在过去的一年中，克里索夫接受了良好的训练，但已经荣升少校的他今晚不能来到这里，他很快就会前往伊拉克，在那里他可以救助我们受伤的勇士并继续他儿子为完成的事业。

in citizens like these, we see the best of our country – resilient and hopeful, caring and strong. these virtues give me an unshakable faith in america. we have faced danger and trial, and there is more ahead. but with the courage of our people and confidence in our ideals, this great nation will never tire … never falter … and never fail.

同时，从美国公民身上，我看到了我们国家优秀的一面-我们的国家充满关怀和希望，这样的优点令我对国家有着坚贞的信念。我们面临着危险和审判，而且在未来我们仍将需要应对更多的挑战。然而，依靠你们的勇气和信心，伟大的美国永远会稳如磐石，从来不会走向没落。

it has been the privilege of a lifetime to serve as your president. there have been good days and tough days. but every day i have been inspired by the greatness of our country and uplifted by the goodness of our people. i have been blessed to represent this nation we love. and i will always be honored to carry a title that means more to me than any other: citizen of the united states of america.

对我来说，能够担任你们的总统，是我一生的荣耀。我有过欢乐也有过困苦。但是，每天我都会受到伟大祖国的鼓舞，并且我也一直在为我们的国家祈祷。在以后的时光里，我会永远珍视这样一段话：美利坚合众国的公民。

and so, my fellow americans, for the final time: good night. may god bless this house and our ne_t president. and may god bless you and our wonderful country.

我亲爱的同胞们，我的演说就到这里了，晚安！愿上帝保佑奥巴马！愿上帝保佑你和我们美好的国家！

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普金总统的就职俄文演讲稿

важаемые граждане россии!

дорогие друзья!

только что в соответствии с конституцией мною были произнесены слова президентской присяги. сейчас я еще раз хочу вернуться к главному ее смыслу и сказать: обязанности президента хранить государство и верно служить народу и впредь будут для меня святы, и впредь будут для меня превыше всего.

как и раньше, буду исходить из того, что помощь и поддержка граждан российской федерации являются самой главной и самой надежной опорой в деятельности ее президента.

и сегодня хотел бы поблагодарить всех, кто оказал мне высокое доверие и честь, избрав на пост главы государства российского. всех, кто в течение прошедших четырех лет вносил свою долю труда в общие результаты нашей страны.

как и в предыдущие годы, буду работать активно, открыто и честно, сделаю все, что смогу, все, что в моих силах, чтобы оправдать надежды миллионов людей.

прошедшие годы были для нас всех нелегкими. прямо скажу: они были временем серьезных испытаний. тогда, в 20__ году, очень многие проблемы казались просто неразрешимыми.

но в критических ситуациях народ россии проявил свои самые лучшие патриотические, гражданские качества. и когда боролся за территориальную целостность, за единство страны. и когда упорным трудом создавал основы для роста экономического потенциала россии.

вместе мы сумели очень многое. и достигли всего этого только сами.

это мы сами добились высоких темпов развития нашей экономики. преодолели непростое идеологическое противостояние и сейчас становимся, постепенно становимся, единой нацией.

это мы сами остановили агрессию международного терроризма. избавили страну от реальной угрозы распада.

это мы вместе сделали нашу родину открытой страной. страной, готовой к широкому, равноправному сотрудничеству с другими государствами. страной, укрепляющей свои позиции на международной арене и умеющей мирными средствами отстаивать свои законные интересы в быстро меняющемся мире.

теперь главная цель ближайшего четырехлетия – превратить уже накопленный нами потенциал в новую энергию развития. достичь за счет этого принципиально лучшего качества жизни наших людей. добиться реального, ощутимого роста их благосостояния.

мы часто повторяем: в россии глава государства отвечал и будет отвечать за все. это по-прежнему так. но сегодня, глубоко понимая меру собственной, личной ответственности, хочу подчеркнуть: успех и процветание россии не могут и не должны зависеть от одного человека или от одной политической партии, одной политической силы. мы должны иметь широкую базу поддержки для того, чтобы продолжать преобразования в стране.

убежден: лучшей гарантией такой преемственности является зрелое гражданское общество.

только свободные люди в свободной стране могут быть по-настоящему успешными. это основа и экономического роста россии, и ее политической стабильности.

и мы будем делать все, чтобы каждый человек смог проявить свой талант и свои способности. чтобы в стране развивалась реальная многопартийность, укреплялись личные свободы граждан. чтобы люди в россии могли получать хорошее образование, достойную социальную и медицинскую помощь. чтобы они жили в достатке и могли завещать детям результаты своего собственного труда.

и, конечно, могли гордиться авторитетом сильной, но миролюбивой страны.

дорогие друзья!

нам еще многое, очень многое предстоит сделать – и для страны, и для себя, и для наших детей. сейчас для достижения поставленных целей у нас есть все возможности. есть ресурсы, свой собственный опыт, полное понимание приоритетов развития, основанное на позитивном прошлом ближайших прошедших четырех лет. и есть огромный потенциал, огромная энергия, интеллектуальный потенциал нашего народа.

мы с вами – наследники тысячелетней россии. родины выдающихся сынов и дочерей: тружеников, воинов, творцов. они оставили нам с вами в наследство огромную, великую державу.

наше прошлое, безусловно, придает нам силы. но даже самая славная история сама по себе не обеспечит нам лучшей жизни. это величие должно быть подкреплено. подкреплено новыми делами сегодняшних поколений граждан нашей страны.

и только тогда наши потомки будут гордиться теми страницами, которые мы с вами впишем в биографию великой россии.

спасибо вам за внимание.

总统演讲稿 模板4

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good afternoon, everybody. happy friday. i thought i’d take somequestions, but first, let me say a few words about the economy.

this morning, we learned that our economy created over 200,000 new jobs in july. that’s ontop of about 300,000 new jobs in june. so we are now in a si_-month streak with at least200,000 new jobs each month. that’s the first time that has happened since 1997. over thepast year, we’ve added more jobs than any year since 2024. and all told, our businesses havecreated 9.9 million new jobs over the past 53 months. that’s the longest streak of privatesector job creation in our history.

and as we saw on wednesday, the economy grew at a strong pace in the spring. companies areinvesting. consumers are spending. american manufacturing, energy, technology, autos -- allare booming. and thanks to the decisions that we’ve made, and the grit and resilience of theamerican people, we’ve recovered faster and come farther from the recession than almost anyother advanced country on earth.

so the good news is the economy clearly is getting stronger. things are getting better. ourengines are revving a little bit louder. and the decisions that we make right now can sustainand keep that growth and momentum going.

unfortunately, there are a series of steps that we could be taking to maintain momentum, andperhaps even accelerate it; there are steps that we could be taking that would result in morejob growth, higher wages, higher incomes, more relief for middle-class families. and so far, atleast, in congress, we have not seen them willing or able to take those steps.

i’ve been pushing for common-sense ideas like rebuilding our infrastructure in ways that aresustained over many years and support millions of good jobs and help businesses compete.i’ve been advocating on behalf of raising the minimum wage, making it easier for working folksto pay off their student loans; fair pay, paid leave. all these policies have two things incommon: all of them would help working families feel more stable and secure, and all of themso far have been blocked or ignored by republicans in congress. that’s why myadministration keeps taking whatever actions we can take on our own to help working families.

now, it’s good that congress was able to pass legislation to strengthen the va. and i want tothank the chairmen and ranking members who were involved in that. it’s good that congresswas able to at least fund transportation projects for a few more months before leaving town --although it falls far short of the kind of infrastructure effort that we need that would actuallyaccelerate the economy. but for the most part, the big-ticket items, the things that wouldreally make a difference in the lives of middle-class families, those things just are not gettingdone.

let’s just take a recent e_ample: immigration. we all agree that there’s a problem that needsto be solved in a portion of our southern border. and we even agree on most of the solutions.but instead of working together -- instead of focusing on the 80 percent where there isagreement between democrats and republicans, between the administration and congress --house republicans, as we speak, are trying to pass the most e_treme and unworkable versionsof a bill that they already know is going nowhere, that can’t pass the senate and that if it wereto pass the senate i would veto. they know it.

they’re not even trying to actually solve the problem. this is a message bill that they couldn’tquite pull off yesterday, so they made it a little more e_treme so maybe they can pass it today-- just so they can check a bo_ before they’re leaving town for a month. and this is on an issuethat they all insisted had to be a top priority.

now, our efforts administratively so far have helped to slow the tide of child migrants trying tocome to our country. but without additional resources and help from congress, we’re just notgoing to have the resources we need to fully solve the problem. that means while they’re outon vacation i’m going to have to make some tough choices to meet the challenge -- with orwithout congress.

and yesterday, even though they’ve been sitting on a bipartisan immigration bill for over ayear, house republicans suggested that since they don’t e_pect to actually pass a bill that i cansign, that i actually should go ahead and act on my own to solve the problem. keep in mindthat just a few days earlier, they voted to sue me for acting on my own. and then when theycouldn’t pass a bill yesterday, they put out a statement suggesting i should act on my ownbecause they couldn’t pass a bill.

总统演讲稿 模板5

阅读小贴士：模板5共计2883个字，预计阅读时长8分钟。朗读需要15分钟，中速朗读20分钟，在庄重严肃场合朗读需要27分钟，有199位用户喜欢。

"我不会支持任何一项将所有削减赤字的负担都压在普通美国人身上的方案。"20__年9月19日奥巴马在白宫演说中开启了他对富人征税的计划，他超凡的演讲魅力打动了很多人。

即便是口齿正常的国家领袖，想要在演说中挥洒自如也绝非是一件易事，因为你在对一个国家的人喊话。以历任美国总统来说，演讲就是他们的必修课，当然，凡是课程也都会有人不及格。

奥巴马"男中音"有优势

总统演讲的第一个条件：有个好嗓子，就成功了一半。但好嗓子都去百老汇了，剩下来当总统的嗓音就参差不齐了。

奥巴马天生丽质，他是个男中音，听起来沉稳得多;林肯的声音听起来则尖声细气，所以今天的听众其实很难想象，当林肯用他的小细嗓子，在葛底斯堡演说中高喊"我们要在这里下定最大的决心，不让这些死者白白牺牲"，会是一种什么情景;而小布什的嗓音则听起来有点滑稽，加上他不时露出笑容的脸，总让人觉得想笑。

还有一个问题，就是林肯时代没有演讲提词器，不过多半时候也不会出岔子，因为那时候的演讲稿就是他自己写的，而且只有272个单词，印象深刻也不会忘记很多。曾有一个段子说美国总统罗斯福问美国的外交官哈里曼："为什么英国首相丘吉尔的演讲稿那么激动人心呢?我们的撰稿人怎么就写不出那么有水平的东西呢?"哈里曼说："那是丘吉尔自己写的。"看来在演讲稿这个问题上，还是躬亲的效果比较好。

奥巴马在演讲上就颇有功力，这一点很像林肯。奥巴马曾经在伊利诺斯州做议员，林肯就出生在那个州，奥巴马的选举开始点就是林肯的老家斯普林菲尔德，颇有点向林肯致敬的意思。和林肯最为相似的是，奥巴马的某些重要演讲稿就是自己所写。除了"偷师"林肯之外，奥巴马的演讲还有一个特色，就是他借鉴了马丁·路德·金博士那种连贯的排比句和问句，从现场录音就可以听得出，因为马丁·路德·金在林肯纪念堂前高喊那些排比疑问句时，下面很多听众很激动地高声回答"耶"，这种句式极大地调动了台下听众的积极性。

小布什是个另类，因为很多词他读不清楚，所以妻子劳拉经常需要在他上台演讲之前，一边帮他整理衣领，一边帮他校正"格鲁吉亚"、"阿塞拜疆"这些国家名字的读法。故此，曾有媒体拍到小布什的副总统切尼在总统演讲时打瞌睡，连自己的副手都如此不屑，说明小布什的演讲真的无聊啊。

写演说稿是个力气活

上文提到罗斯福非常妒忌丘吉尔的演说稿，结果发现那是首相大人自己写的。但像丘吉尔这种勤于写作的领袖真的比较少，多数演说稿还是由人代笔完成的，看似不长的演说稿，其实对写稿人来说就是一项非常的折磨，对各种政治因素的考虑和博弈，一遍遍谨慎的审视和修改，完全就是一件体力活。

1987年，柏林建城750周年，美国总统里根要去发表演说，撰写演说稿的任务就落在了彼得·罗宾逊头上，写点什么呢?

当时的柏林，是东德的首都，柏林墙还屹立在那里，所以东德的外交官首先告诉彼得，不要写猛烈抨击柏林墙的话，不要骂苏联。但是彼得在东德逗留的短短时间内，从身边的人口中只体会到了一种最为强烈的情绪，那就是要求拆掉柏林墙。

于是，彼得开始动笔："戈尔巴乔夫先生，拆掉这堵墙吧。"因为是对东德人演说，所以他故意用了德语的"先生"一词，思来想去，他又把"拆掉"改成了"推倒"。结果，这篇演说稿在白宫的新闻主管那里被撕成了碎片，他对彼得咆哮道："一无是处!"

彼得只好又闷头修改，"推倒"又被改成了"拆掉"。最后，这篇演说稿得到了里根总统的首肯，他很喜欢。彼得听了总统的赞许，心情自然很好，可是厄运接踵而至，美国国务院和国家安全委员会看过演说稿之后，简直是暴跳如雷，他们认为那句"拆掉这堵墙吧"简直就是一句天真的玩笑，是明摆着和苏联搞对抗，这种想法出现在总统演说中实在是过于幼稚了。连当时的美国国务卿舒尔茨都觉得，这样的话出现在里根总统的演说中，简直就是对苏联领导人戈尔巴乔夫的冒犯和无礼。

结果，那堵墙没拆，那句话就首先被删掉了，填上了不温不火的一句期待：总有一天，这堵丑陋的墙是会消失的。彼得盯着这句话有点窝火，总有一天会实现，这不是苏联人最爱说的话么?

等里根飞到意大利的时候，这篇演说稿再一次被拿出来讨论，白宫新闻主管把各方的意见都说了一遍，里根自己读了一遍，尤其是"拆掉这堵墙吧"那一段，他笑着说："留下吧。"等他的飞机抵达柏林时，那些反对派还是不死心，大清早就拿着演说稿再次找到里根，想删除那句话。在前往勃兰登堡门的汽车上，里根对新闻主管说，他必须要讲出那句话，还开玩笑说："国务院那些家伙肯定会杀了我。"

结果，演说的效果异常地好，曾经坚持要删掉那句话的美国国务卿舒尔茨甚至找到写稿人彼得说："你是对的!"2年之后，柏林墙被拆除。

"调教总统"的演说训练师

像很多技能一样，演讲的技巧是可以训练的，别以为总统都是天生的演说家。很多美国总统的华丽演讲其实都出自一个训练师之手，他可以让你成为总统，也可以让你成为白痴，他叫迈克尔·锡恩。

与"学生"奥巴马的慷慨陈词不同的是，他轻声细语，为人低调，总是喜欢躲在幕后"调教总统"，他对每一个前来求教的人物也都了如指掌："克林顿的演说为什么如此精彩?因为他很享受那个过程，只要有听众，他就能侃侃而谈。"

原来，克林顿是个"话唠"。对比鲜明的是，克林顿的妻子希拉里就不是特别喜欢滔滔不绝地演说，这也许就是为什么他们可以做夫妻：一个愿意说，一个愿意听。希拉里还在回忆录中提到过锡恩教她如何使用提词器的事情，这就是现在的总统的好处，林肯时代肯定没有那玩意，词儿都记不住，就别当总统了。

奥巴马也不是天生就会使用提词器，20__年他在民主党全国大会"一讲成名"之前，他就是个"演讲菜鸟"，因为他从来没遇到过全国大会那么大的阵势，他攥着自己那2300个单词的演讲稿排练了3遍，还是不得要领。锡恩教奥巴马说，不要被观众席上的噪声所干扰，要学会驾驭鼓掌声，准确地找到停顿和继续的时间点。

现年60岁的锡恩，对每一任总统都很熟悉。锡恩还清晰地记得肯尼迪第一次演讲时的尴尬："他看起来很害怕，根本不想演讲，那时他才17岁，但是他答应了叔叔要演讲，我对他说‘抬起头，让观众看到你，不要担心!’"

锡恩为何会如此热衷于研究演讲的技巧，因为就像电影《国王的演讲》中的国王一样，锡恩也曾是一名口吃患者，经常在排长队买东西的时候说不出来要买什么，被后面的人狂骂。后来他发现，其实只要稍微改变一下说话的腔调，就可以改正口吃的毛病。后来，他有了自己的媒体顾问公司，从历届美国总统到华尔街金融业巨子，都是他的客户。

现任美国财政部长盖特纳，曾经是一个沉默寡言的木讷之人，最终也在锡恩的调教下变成了一个能说会道的财长。不知道美国前任财长保尔森是否接受过锡恩的培训?他也有些口吃，而且语速很慢，如果他足够能说会道的话，就不需要在请求国会通过经济救援计划时，向当时的众议院议长佩洛西单腿下跪了。

大萧条时期的美国总统胡佛，很看不起另一位总统罗斯福，因为口音很重的胡佛总是觉得罗斯福太会演说，或者叫"太会表演了"，这是不是口音不正的胡佛对能说会道者的一种嫉妒呢?

总统演讲稿 模板6

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如果还有人对美国是否凡事都有可能存疑，还有人怀疑美国奠基者的梦想在我们所处的时代是否依然鲜活，还有人质疑我们的美国民主制度的力量，那么今晚，这些全部问题都有了答案。

这是设在学校和教堂的投票站前排起的前所未见的长队给出的答案；是等了三四个小时的选民所给出的答案，其中许多人都是有生以来第一次投票，因为他们认定这一次肯定会不一样，认为自己的声音会是这次大选有别于以往之所在。

这是所有美国人民共同给出的答案－－无论老少贫富，无论是民主党还是共和党，无论是黑人、白人、拉美裔、亚裔、原住民，是同性恋者还是异性恋者、残疾人还是健全人－－我们从来不是"红州"和"蓝州"的对立阵营，我们是美利坚合众国这个整体，永远都是。

长久以来，很多人一再受到告诫，要对我们所能取得的成绩极尽讽刺、担忧和怀疑之能事，但这个答案让这些人伸出手来把握历史，再次让它朝向美好明天的希望延伸。

已经过去了这么长时间，但今晚，由于我们在今天、在这场大选中、在这个具有决定性的时刻所做的，美国已经迎来了变革。

我刚刚接到了麦凯恩参议员极具风度的致电。他在这场大选中经过了长时间的努力奋斗，而他为自己所深爱的这个国家奋斗的时间更长、过程更艰辛。他为美国做出了我们大多数人难以想像的牺牲，我们的生活也因这位勇敢无私的领袖所做出的贡献而变得更美好。我向他和佩林州长所取得的成绩表示祝贺，我也期待着与他们一起在未来的岁月中为复兴这个国家的希望而共同努力。

我要感谢我在这次旅程中的伙伴－－已当选美国副总统的拜登。他全心参与竞选活动，为普通民众代言，他们是他在斯克兰顿从小到大的伙伴，也是在他回特拉华的火车上遇到的男男女女。

如果没有一个人的坚决支持，我今晚就不会站在这里，她是我过去16年来最好的朋友、是我们一家人的中坚和我一生的挚爱，更是我们国家的下一位第一夫人：米歇尔?奥巴马(michelle obama)。萨莎(sasha)和玛丽亚(malia)，我太爱你们两个了，你们已经得到了一条新的小狗，它将与我们一起入驻白宫。虽然我的外祖母已经不在了，但我知道她与我的亲人肯定都在看着我，因为他们，我才能拥有今天的成就。今晚，我想念他们，我知道自己欠他们的无可计量。

我的竞选经理大卫?普劳夫(david plouffe)、首席策略师大卫?艾克斯罗德(david a_elrod)以及政治史上最好的竞选团队－－是你们成就了今天，我永远感激你们为实现今天的成就所做出的牺牲。

但最重要的是，我永远不会忘记这场胜利真正的归属－－它属于你们。

我从来不是最有希望的候选人。一开始，我们没有太多资金，也没有得到太多人的支持。我们的竞选活动并非诞生于华盛顿的高门华第之内，而是始于得梅因、康科德、查尔斯顿这些地方的普通民众家中。

我们的竞选活动能有今天的规模，是因为辛勤工作的人们从自己的微薄积蓄中拿出钱来，捐出一笔又一笔5美元、10美元、20美元。而竞选活动的声势越来越大则是源自那些年轻人，他们拒绝接受认为他们这代人冷漠的荒诞说法；他们离开家、离开亲人，从事报酬微薄、极其辛苦的工作；同时也源自那些已经不算年轻的人们，他们冒着严寒酷暑，敲开陌生人的家门进行竞选宣传；更源自数百万的美国民众，他们自动自发地组织起来，证明了在两百多年以后，民有、民治、民享的政

府并未从地球上消失。这是你们的胜利。

我知道你们的所做所为并不只是为了赢得大选，我也知道你们做这一切并不是为了我。你们这样做是因为你们明白摆在面前的任务有多艰巨。因为即便我们今晚欢呼庆祝，我们也知道明天将面临我们一生之中最为艰巨的挑战－－两场战争、一个面临危险的星球，还有百年来最严重的金融危机。今晚站在此地，我们知道伊拉克的沙漠里和阿富汗的群山中还有勇敢的美国士兵醒来，甘冒生命危险保护着我们。会有在孩子熟睡后仍难以入眠的父母，担心如何偿还按揭月供、付医药费或是存够钱送孩子上大学。我们亟待开发新能源、创造新的工作机会；我们需要修建新学校，还要应对众多威胁、修复与许多国家的关系。

前方的道路会十分漫长艰辛。我们可能无法在一年甚至一届任期之内实现上述目标，但我从未像今晚这样满怀希望，相信我们会实现。我向你们承诺－－我们作为一个整体将会达成目标。

我们会遭遇挫折和不成功的开端。对于我作为总统所做的每项决定和政策，会有许多人持有异议，我们也知道政府并不能解决所有问题。但我会向你们坦陈我们所面临的挑战。我会聆听你们的意见，尤其是在我们意见相左之时。最重要的是，我会请求你们参与重建这个国家，以美国221年来从未改变的唯一方式－－一砖一瓦、胼手胝足。

21个月前那个寒冬所开始的一切不应该在今天这个秋夜结束。今天的选举胜利并不是我们所寻求的改变－－这只是我们进行改变的机会。而且如果我们仍然按照旧有方式行事，我们所寻求的改变不可能出现。没有你们，也不可能有这种改变

。

因此，让我们发扬新的爱国精神，树立新的服务意识和责任感，让我们每个人下定决心全情投入、更加努力地工作，并彼此关爱。让我们铭记这场金融危机带来的教训：我们不可能在金融以外的领域备受煎熬的同时拥有繁荣兴旺的华尔街－－在这个国家，我们患难与共。

让我们抵制重走老路的诱惑，避免重新回到令美国政治长期深受毒害的党派纷争和由此引发的遗憾和不成熟表现。让我们牢记，正是伊利诺伊州的一名男子首次将共和党的大旗扛到了白宫。共和党是建立在自强自立、个人自由以及全民团结的价值观上，这也是我们所有人都珍视的价值。虽然民主党今天晚上赢得了巨大的胜利，但我们是以谦卑的态度和弥合阻碍我们进步的分歧的决心赢得这场胜利的。林肯在向远比我们眼下分歧更大的国家发表讲话时说，我们不是敌人，而是朋友……虽然激情可能褪去，但是这不会割断我们感情上的联系。对于那些现在并不支持我的美国人，我想说，或许我没有赢得你们的选票，但是我听到了你们的声音，我需要你们的帮助，而且我也将是你们的总统。

那些彻夜关注美国大选的海外人士，从国会到皇宫，以及在这个世界被遗忘的角落里挤在收音机旁的人们，我们的经历虽然各有不同，但是我们的命运是相通的，新的美国领袖诞生了。那些想要颠覆这个世界的人们，我们必将击败你们。那些追求和平和安全的人们，我们支持你们。那些所有怀疑美国能否继续照亮世界发展前景的人们，今天晚上我们再次证明，我们国家真正的力量并非来自我们武器的威力或财富的规模，而是来自我们理想的持久力量：民主、自由、机会和不屈的希望。

这才是美国真正的精华－－美国能够改变。我们的联邦会日臻完善。我们取得的成就为我们将来能够取得的以及必须取得的成就增添了希望。

这次大选创造了多项"第一"，也诞生了很多将世代流传的故事。但是今天晚上令我难忘的却是在亚特兰大投票的一名妇女

：安?尼克松?库波尔(ann ni_on cooper)。她和其他数百万排队等待投票的选民没有什么差别，除了一点：她已是106岁的高龄。

她出生的那个时代奴隶制度刚刚结束；那时路上没有汽车，天上也没有飞机；当时像她这样的人由于两个原因不能投票－－一是她是女性，另一个原因是她的肤色。

今天晚上，我想到了她在美国过去一百年间所经历的种种：心痛和希望；挣扎和进步；那些我们被告知我们办不到的世代，以及那些坚信美国信条──是的，我们能做到──的人们。

曾几何时，妇女没有发言权，她们的希望化作泡影，但是安?尼克松?库波尔活了下来，看到妇女们站了起来，看到她们大声发表自己的见解，看到她们去参加大选投票。是的，我们能做到。

当30年代的沙尘暴和大萧条引发人们的绝望之情时，她看到一个国家用罗斯福新政、新就业机会以及对新目标的共同追求战胜恐慌。是的，我们能做到。

当炸弹袭击了我们的海港、独裁专制威胁到全世界，她见证了美国一代人的伟大崛起，见证了一个民主国家被拯救。是的，我们能做到。

她看到蒙哥马利通了公共汽车、伯明翰接上了水管、塞尔马建了桥，一位来自亚特兰大的传教士告诉人们：我们能成功。是的，我们能做到。

人类登上月球、柏林墙倒下，世界因我们的科学和想像被连接在一起。今年，就在这次选举中，她用手指触碰屏幕投下自己的选票，因为在美国生活了1__年之后，经历了最好的时光和最黑暗的时刻之后，她知道美国如何能够发生变革。是的，我们能做到。

美国，我们已经走过漫漫长路。我们已经历了很多。但是我们仍有很多事情要做。因此今夜，让我们自问－－如果我们的孩子能够活到下个世纪；如果我们的女儿有幸活得和安一样长，他们将会看到怎样的改变？我们将会取得怎样的进步？

现在是我们回答这个问题的机会。这是我们的时刻。这是我们的时代－－让我们的人民重新就业，为我们的后代敞开机会的大门；恢复繁荣发展，推进和平事业；让"美国梦"重新焕发光芒，再次证明这样一个基本的真理：我们是一家人；一息尚存，我们就有希望；当我们遇到嘲讽和怀疑，当有人说我们办不到的时候，我们要以这个永恒的信条来回应他们：

是的，我们能做到。感谢你们。上帝保佑你们。愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

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总统演讲稿 模板7

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南非国父、前总统、反种族隔离斗士纳尔逊·曼德拉因病逝世，享年95岁。这是他1994年就职南非总统发表演说的演说词。

演说词：

your majesties, your highnesses, distinguished guests, comrades and friends:

today, all of us do, by our presence here, and by our celebrations in other parts of our country and the world,confer glory and hope to newborn liberty.

out of the e_perience of an e_traordinary human disaster that lasted too long, must be born a society of which all humanity will be proud.

our daily deeds as ordinary south africans must produce an actual south african reality that will reinforce humanity"s belief in justice, strengthen its confidence in the nobility of the human soul and sustain all our hopes for a glorious life for all.

all this we owe both to ourselves and to the peoples of the world who are so well represented here today.

to my compatriots, i have no hesitation in saying that each one of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees of pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld.

each time one of us touches the soil of this land, we feel a sense of personal renewal. the national mood changes as the seasons change.

we are moved by a sense of joy and e_hilaration when the grass turns green and the flowers bloom.

that spiritual and physical oneness we all share with this common homeland e_plains the depth of the pain we all carried in our hearts as we saw our country tear itself apart in a terrible conflict, and as we saw it spurned, outlawed and isolated by the peoples of the world, precisely because it has become the universal base of the pernicious ideology and practice of racism and racial oppression.

we, the people of south africa, feel fulfilled that humanity has taken us back into its bosom, that we, who were outlaws not so long ago, have today been given the rare privilege to be host to the nations of the world on our own soil.

we thank all our distinguished international guests for having come to take possession with the people of our country of what is, after all, a common victory for justice, for peace, for human dignity.

we trust that you will continue to stand by us as we tackle the challenges of building peace, prosperity, non-se_ism,non-racialism and democracy.

we deeply appreciate the role that the masses of our people and their political mass democratic, religious, women, youth,business, traditional and other leaders have played to bring about this conclusion. not least among them is my second deputy president, the honourable f.w. de klerk.

we would also like to pay tribute to our security forces, in all their ranks, for the distinguished role they have played in securing our first democratic elections and the transition to democracy, from blood-thirsty forces which still refuse to see the light.

the time for the healing of the wounds has come.

the moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has come.

the time to build is upon us.

we have, at last, achieved our political emancipation. we pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from the continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination.

we succeeded to take our last steps to freedom in conditions of relative peace. we commit ourselves to the construction of a complete, just and lasting peace.

we have triumphed in the effort to implant hope in the breasts of the millions of our people. we enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all south africans, both black and white, will be able to walk tall, without any fear in their hearts, assured of their inalienable right to human dignity - a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world.

as a token of its commitment to the renewal of our country,the new interim government of national unity will, as a matter of urgency, address the issue of amnesty for various categories of our people who are currently serving terms of imprisonment.

we dedicate this day to all the heroes and heroines in this country and the rest of the world who sacrificed in many ways and surrendered their lives so that we could be free.

their dreams have become reality. freedom is their reward.

we are both humbled and elevated by the honour and privilege that you, the people of south africa, have bestowed on us, as the first president of a united, democratic, non-racial and non-se_ist south africa, to lead our country out of the valley of darkness.

we understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom.

we know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success.

we must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world.

let there be justice for all.

let there be peace for all.

let there be work, bread, water and salt for all.

let each know that for each the body, the mind and the soul have been freed to fulfill themselves.

never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again e_perience the oppression of one by another and suffer the indignity of being the skunk of the world.

let freedom reign.

the sun shall never set on so glorious a human achievement!

god bless africa!

thank you.

总统演讲稿 模板8

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mr. speaker, lord speaker,prime minister, deputy prime minister,leader of the opposition and distinguished guests:

i am delighted to be with you today.

a chairde:

tá fíor-chaoin áthas orm bheith anseo libh ar ócáid an chéad cuairt stáit seo.

on the first day of this state visit, i have been graciously and warmly welcomed by her majestyqueen elizabeth at windsor castle, and i have come to this place from a poignant anduplifting visit to westminster abbey. i am greatly honoured to be the first president of irelandto address you in this distinguished palace of westminster.

as a former parliamentarian, honoured to have spent twenty-five years as a member of dáiléireann, and a further decade serving in our upper house, seanad éireann, it constitutes avery special privilege to be speaking today in a place that history has made synonymous withthe principle of democratic governance and with respect for a political discourse that is bothinclusive and pluralist.

at the very foundation of british democracy is, of course, the magna carta which includes thepowerful statement:

“to no one will we sell, to no one will we deny or delay, right or justice.”

those beautiful and striking words have echoed down the centuries and remain the beatingheart of the democratic tradition. their resonance was felt almost immediately in irelandthrough the magna carta hiberniae – a version of the original charter reissued by theguardians of the young henry iii in november 1216.

they are also words which echo with a particular significance when we have indeed so recentlyseen the adverse consequences of a discourse that regards politics, society and the economyas somehow separate, each from the other; this is a divisive perspective which underminesthe essential relationship between the citizen and the state. today, as both our countries workto build sustainable economies and humane and flourishing societies, we would do well to recallthe words of the magna carta and its challenge to embrace a concept of citizenship rooted inthe principles of active participation, justice and freedom.

such a vision of citizenship is shared by our two peoples. it is here, in this historic building that,over the centuries, the will of the british people gradually found its full democratic voice. it isinspiring to stand in a place where, for more than a century, many hundreds of dedicatedparliamentarians, in their different ways, represented the interests and aspirations of the irishpeople.

ne_t month marks the centenary of the passing of the home rule act by the house ofcommons – a landmark in our shared history. it was also here that the votes of irishnationalist members of parliament in 1911 were instrumental in the passage of the parliamentact, a critical step in the development of your parliamentary system.

history was also made here in 1918 when the irish electorate chose the first woman to beelected to this parliament – constance markiewicz – who, of course, chose not to take herwestminster seat but, rather, to represent her constituents in our independent parliament,the first dáil éireann. constance’s sister, eva gore-booth, who is buried in hampstead, hadbeen making, and would continue to make, her own distinctive contribution to history – notonly in the irish nationalist struggle, but as part of the suffragette and labour movements inbritain.

nearly 90 years earlier, the passage of the catholic emancipation act of 1829 was secured bythe leadership of our great irish parliamentarian, daniel o’connell. o’connell’s nationalism setno border to his concern for human rights; his advocacy e_tended to causes and movementsfor justice around the world, including the struggle to end slavery. he was totally dedicated toseeking freedom, as he put it:

“attained not by the effusion of human blood but by the constitutional combination of goodand wise men.”

while o’connell may not have achieved that ambition during his own lifetime, it was such anidealism that served to guide and influence, so many years later, the achievement of themomentous good friday agreement of 1998. that achievement was founded on thecornerstones of equality, justice and democratic partnership, and was a key milestone on theroad to today’s warm, deep and enduring irish-british friendship.

our two countries can take immense pride in the progress of the cause of peace in northernireland. but of course there is still a road to be travelled – the road of a lasting and creativereconciliation – and our two governments have a shared responsibility to encourage andsupport those who need to complete the journey of making peace permanent andconstructive, enduring.

mr speaker, lord speaker:

i stand here at a time when the relationship between our two islands has, as i have said,achieved a closeness and warmth that once seemed unachievable. the people of ireland greatlycherish the political independence that was secured in 1922 – an independence which wasfought for by my father and many of his generation. the pain and sacrifice associated with theadvent of irish independence inevitably cast its long shadow across our relations, causingus, in the words of the irish mp stephen gwynn, to:

“look at each other with doubtful eyes.”

we acknowledge that past but, as you have said, even more, we wholeheartedly welcome theconsiderable achievement of today’s reality – the mutual respect, friendship andcooperation which e_ists between our two countries, our two peoples. that benign reality wasbrought into sharp relief by the historic visit of queen elizabeth to ireland three years ago. hermajesty’s visit eloquently e_pressed how far we have come in understanding and respectingour differences, and it demonstrated that we could now look at each other through trustingeyes of mutual respect and shared commitments.

the ties between us are now strong and resolute. formidable flows of trade and investmentacross the irish sea confer mutual benefit on our two countries. be it in tourism, sport orculture, our people to people connections have never been as close or abundant.

generations of irish emigrants have made their mark on the development of this country. assomeone whose own siblings made their home here at the end of the 1950s, i am very proud ofthe large irish community that is represented in every walk of life in the united kingdom. thatcommunity is the living heart in the evolving british-irish relationship. i greatly cherish howthe irish in britain have preserved and nurtured their culture and heritage while, at the sametime, making a distinctive and valued contribution to the development of modern britain.

mr speaker, lord speaker:

as both our islands enter periods of important centenaries we can and must, reflect on theethical importance of respecting different, but deeply interwoven, narratives. such reflectionwill offer us an opportunity to craft a bright future on the e_tensive common ground weshare and, where we differ in matters of interpretation, to have respectful empathy for eachother’s perspectives.

this year the united kingdom commemorates the first world war. in ireland too, we rememberthe large number of our countrymen who entered the battlefields of europe, never to returnhome. amongst those was the irish nationalist mp tom kettle who wrote that:

“this tragedy of europe may be and must be the prologue to the two reconciliations of whichall statesmen have dreamed, the reconciliation of protestant ulster with ireland, and thereconciliation of ireland with great britain.”

it is, i think, significant that kettle refers to “this tragedy of europe.” we must alwaysremember that this brutal and tragic war laid the hand of death on every country in europe.

kettle died as an irish patriot, a british soldier and a true european. he understood that to beauthentically irish we must also embrace our european identity. it is an identification weproudly claim today, an identification we share with the united kingdom, with whom we havesat around the negotiating table in europe for over 40 years. we recognise that it has been inthat european conte_t of mutuality and interdependence that we took the most significantsteps towards each other.

mr speaker, lord speaker:

i have been struck by the imposing canvases in this room, these depictions of the battles oftrafalgar and waterloo, painted by the irishman daniel maclis. they call to mind anotherfamous painting by this great artist that hangs in the national gallery in dublin. it depicts the12th century marriage of aoife, daughter of the king of leinster, to strongbow, the leader ofthe first anglo-norman force to arrive in ireland. those nuptials took place in the conte_t ofconflict and did not necessarily become a harbinger of harmony. neither was there to be amarriage of hearts and minds between our two islands in the following centuries.

today, however, we have a fresh canvas on which to sketch our shared hopes and to advanceour overlapping ambitions. what we now enjoy between ireland and britain is a friendly, co-operative partnership based on mutual respect, reciprocal benefit, and deep and indeliblepersonal links that bind us together in cultural and social terms.

in the final days of his life, the soldier and parliamentarian, to whom i have referred, tomkettle dreamed of a new era of friendship between our two peoples – “free, we are free to beyour friend” – was how he put it in one of his poems.

the journey then of our shared british-irish relationship towards that freedom has progressedfrom the doubting eyes of estrangement to the trusting eyes of partnership and, in recentyears, to the welcoming eyes of friendship.

i am conscious that i am in the company here of so many distinguished parliamentarianswho have made their own individual contributions to the journey we have travelled together. iacknowledge them and i salute them, as i acknowledge and salute all those who haveselflessly worked to build concord between our peoples. i celebrate our warm friendship and ilook forward with confidence to a future in which that friendship can grow even more resoluteand more productive.

gur fada a ghabhfaidh pobail agus parlaimintí an dá oileán seo le chéile go síochánta, goséanmhar agus sa chairdeas buandlúite idir éire agus an bhreatain.

long may our two peoples and their parliaments walk together in peace, prosperity and evercloser friendship between ireland and britain.

mr speaker, members, thank you again for your kind welcome.

go raibh míle maith agaibh go léir.