第1篇 自由演讲稿
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雾，蹲在水面上方，使水蒸气变白。一只蓝鸟骑在云层之上。这种清脆响亮的声音在头部和耳朵中。它不带有“幸福鸟”。
尖尖的笔尖埋在小头上，色彩斑斓的图案就像水墨画一样，有一个幻觉点，却不失其意境之美。人们也可能只这样做。美丽令人窒息。
尽管蓝鸟很漂亮，但可以用作人类的手。我看过一只蓝鸟。在金色的笼子里，锋利的尖端随着时间而变钝，这对翅膀已经驯化了，不再用于飞行，而是供人们观看。外套的颜色比以前漂亮得多，比野鸟漂亮得多。多音不如野生鸟好，听起来像鲜血。
我近距离观察了很长时间，才意识到蓝鸟从未打开过翅膀。它只是用爪子抓住了“树枝”，但那是假木材。看来我的到来并没有惊动它，或者说它不想忽略它。
我忍不住好奇。当我看到它时，我问为什么那只蓝鸟没有飞。不是说它曾经生活在笼子里。我看到了一个微笑：“它。当我购买它时，我去了机翼下方的肌肉，这样即使笼子没有关闭，它也不会跑得远，就像最后一只鸟一样，它会直接飞向它。“我会秘密地说：“幸福鸟”是“幸福鸟”，将所谓的“幸福”带给他人，却破坏了自己的幸福。”
在这几天里，蓝鸟还是一如既往，没有什么异常。当有很多人时，这只聪明的蓝鸟还会大喊“呼呼”两次，而且头会扭曲，使每个人都笑，就像输了一样。自尊自重的跳小丑令人着迷，这时它不再美丽，而是谦虚，荒谬和自欺欺人。
我从没想到玉鸟会采取任何行动。它长期以来的嫉妒表明，渴望在囚禁中自由的火力团体早已被金笼子摧毁。但是，在我们离开的那天早晨，我有一段空隙，我的阿姨在早晨还没醒来就离开了沙发，给那只鸟一个模糊的感觉，却忘记了笼子。当我离开沙发时，我发现了这一幕。很着急。我想过这个问题。我记得那只蓝鸟不会飞。吃完后我能找到它。没有翅膀，肥胖的身体和退化的爪子也不允许它们走得太远。
因此，早餐后，我们每个人都在房子旁边的花园里，车道上和路上寻找它。我去了屋子后面的小巷，但我看到了一群破烂的血肉，还有几根绿色的羽毛，在一个黑暗的角落里，抱着一只黑猫，它似乎咬了口。它是什么?我认为那是“幸福爱情鸟”。
突然，我想起那就像一个流血的“丈夫”和一个久违的钝器……事实证明，它从未放弃追求自由。只是意识到：它无法逃离金笼，只能等待时间的流逝。
雾，在梦中，绿鸟依然美丽。美丽令人窒息。
第2篇 自由演讲稿
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各位老师、同学：
大家好!
我今天讲的主题是“个人自由与社会公德”。刚才，我纵容了我的自由，让“思想”飞了一会，却无意中冒犯了大家宝贵的10秒，因为按照程序，这个时间应该是我上台演讲的时间，违背了我们的社会公德。在这里，我诚挚的跟大家说声：对不起!
这刚刚的过程中，我没有听到大家斥责我的声音!如果我没有从大家的眼神中感受到大家对我的谴责，而正好又没有人谴责我，那是不是刚才的迟到就可以当作没有发生?因为我没有意识到，而又没有人让我意识到呀。(耸肩、摊手，做无辜状)其实这就是如今人们漠视社会公德的原因。一方面，没有形成一个有效的社会舆论。当你意识到有违社会公德的形为发生时，应该及时正确、大胆的说出来。用有声的语言说出来或者写出来，而不仅仅是自己内心的一个感知而已。另一方面，当今的社会，科技的发展、网络的进步，人们更强调自我，强调个性。在追求个性自由的同时，迷失了社会公德却浑然不知。因为我们太过自我，太过自由，殊不知，这一切的太过终将让我们付出沉重的代价!
社会公德和个人自由就像风筝和线，风筝只有在线的指引下才不会飘零天涯;个人自由只有在社会公德的指引下才能得到充分体现。飞回流转五千年，从“采菊东篱下，悠然见南山”到“挟飞仙以遨游，抱明月而长终”。个人自由总伴随着超然外物，逍遥自得，流淌于历史的松涛竹林之中。春花落了秋日清，冬雪融了夏虫鸣。社会公德和个人的自由相辅相承。顺着社会公德的线，我们可以看到，个人自由的风筝蹁跹起舞。
我向往着自由，大家跟我一样都有着对自由的执著。曾经热血青年‘为中华崛起而读书’，作为新时代的我们，在和平与发展的年代中，更应该发奋图强、好好学习，勇做时代的弄潮儿，将先辈的'旗帜继承下来发扬光大!在我们努力学知识、学文化的同时，同样不能忽略体能的锻炼。身体是革命的本钱，强身健体同等重要!很喜欢一句话‘一滴水也能折射出太阳的光辉’。纵使我们无法辉煌于历史，纵使个人的力量再渺小，只要我们为理想和自由而努力，依旧也能闪亮他人、折射光辉。一次弯腰，可以整齐一方土地;一次行礼，可以温暖他人心房。小小的善举，也可以让世界多些温暖与阳光!只要人人献出一点爱，这世界将变成美丽的人间!
其实，文明礼貌是社会公德，助人为乐是社会公德，爱护公物是社会公德，保护环境是社会公德，遵纪守法同样是社会公德。社会公德是要融入我们的一言一行中的，是融入我们的日常生活中的。社会公德不是束缚个人自由的枷锁，它更像一盏指路明灯，点亮我们前行的路。在‘社会公德’这盏灯光的指引下，在追求个人自由的路上，我们可以走得更从容、更淡定!
谢谢大家!
第3篇 自由演讲稿
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演讲者：laura vanderkam 劳拉·凡德卡姆
中英对照翻译
when people find out i write about time management, they assume two things. one is that i'm always on time, and i'm not. i have four small children, and i would like to blame them for my occasional tardiness, but sometimes it's just not their fault. i was once late to my own speech on time management.
当人们发现我写关于时间管理的文章时，他们都会假设两件事：第一，我永远都准时，但我并不是。我有四个小孩，我偶尔将迟到归咎于他们，不过有时候真的不是因为他们。我有一次在去我的一个关于时间管理的演讲时迟到了。
we all had to just take a moment together and savor that irony.
我们都需要一点时间去好好地体味一下这有多么讽刺。
the second thing they assume is that i have lots of tips and tricks for saving bits of time here and there.sometimes i'll hear from magazines that are doing a story along these lines, generally on how to help their readers find an e_tra hour in the day. and the idea is that we'll shave bits of time off everyday activities, add it up, and we'll have time for the good stuff.
第二，人们总是假设我有很多关于如何节省时间的贴士和技巧。有时候我听说一些杂志 在写这方面的故事，通常都是关于教读者如何在一天中获得额外一个小时。基本思路就是从日常的每个活动中挤出一点时间，加起来，然后我们就有时间去做更有意思的事情了。
i question the entire premise of this piece, but i'm always interested in hearing what they've come up with before they call me. some of my favorites:doing errands where you only have to make right-hand turns.
我对这个说法持保留意见，不过我还是愿意听听他们在找我之前有什么想法。我最喜欢的几个是：只完成那些只需要右转的事;
being e_tremely judicious in microwave usage: it says three to three-and-a-half minutes on the package, we're totally getting in on the bottom side of that. and my personal favorite, which makes sense on some level, is to dvr your favorite shows so you can fast-forward through the commercials.
在用微波炉时，要极度审慎：当食物包装上面写了3到3.5分钟时，我们要挑时间最短的那个。我个人最喜欢的是，录下你最喜欢看的电视剧，然后你就可以跳过广告了。其实在某个程度上，还是挺有道理的。
that way, you save eight minutes every half hour, so in the course of two hours of watching tv, you find 32 minutes to e_ercise.
这样，你每半个小时就可以挤出八分钟。那么你葱用来看电视的两个小时中，可以挤出32分钟锻炼的时间。
which is true. you know another way to find 32 minutes to e_ercise? don't watch two hours of tv a day, right?
倒的确是这么回事儿。你还知道其他可以找到32分钟锻炼时间的方法吗?不要每天都看两个小时电视就行了，对吧? (笑声)
anyway, the idea is we'll save bits of time here and there, add it up, we will finally get to everything we want to do. but after studying how successful people spend their time and looking at their schedules hour by hour, i think this idea has it completely backward.
总之，就是要在各处都省点时间，加起来就有时间做我们想做的事了。但在我了解成功的人如何分配时间，并看过了他们的时间表后，我觉得这个想法是完全本末倒置的。
we don't build the lives we want by saving time. we build the lives we want, and then time saves itself.
我们不是通过节省时间来打造我们想过的生活。我们应该先建立我们想要的生活，时间就会自然而然节省出来。
here's what i mean. i recently did a time diary project looking at 1,001 days in the lives of e_tremely busy women. they had demanding jobs, sometimes their own businesses, kids to care for, maybe parents to care for, community commitments -- busy, busy people.
我来解释一下。我最近有个时间日记项目，观察最忙碌的女士生命中的1001天。她们工作繁忙，有时候是自己的生意，有时候要照顾自己的孩子，或者是照顾父母，还有服务社区等等——都是一些很忙的人。
i had them keep track of their time for a week so i could add up how much they worked and slept, and i interviewed them about their strategies, for my book.
我让她们记录了一星期的行程，计算她们工作和睡觉的时间，为了我的书，我还采访 了解了她们的常用策略。
one of the women whose time log i studied goes out on a wednesday night for something. she comes home to find that her water heater has broken, and there is now water all over her basement. if you've ever had anything like this happen to you, you know it is a hugely damaging, frightening, sopping mess.
其中一个被我研究过时间表的女士，在一个周三晚上出去了一趟，回家发现她的热水器坏了，地下室都被水淹了。如果你也遇到过这种事儿的话，你会知道眼前的景象多么令人崩溃和沮丧。
so she's dealing with the immediate aftermath that night, ne_t day she's got plumbers coming in, day after that, professional cleaning crew dealing with the ruined carpet. all this is being recorded on her time log. winds up taking seven hours of her week. seven hours. that's like finding an e_tra hour in the day.
于是那个晚上她立刻着手处理，第二天她找了一个水管工，第三天找了专业的清理人员 来处理损坏的地毯。所有这些都算在了她的时间表内。总共花了她一周中的七个小时。七个小时。这就等于一周七天每天都要挤出一个小时。
but i'm sure if you had asked her at the start of the week, 'could you find seven hours to train for a triathlon?' 'could you find seven hours to mentor seven worthy people?' i'm sure she would've said what most of us would've said, which is, 'no -- can't you see how busy i am?' yet when she had to find seven hours because there is water all over her basement, she found seven hours.
但是假如你在这一周刚开始时就问她，“你能在这周抽出七个小时来参加铁人三项吗?”，“你能在这周抽出七个小时指导七个有潜力的人吗?“ 我确定她会像大多数人一样， 说，”怎么可能，你看不出我有多忙吗?“ 但是她最后不得不抽出七个小时，因为她的地下室都被水淹了， 她挤出了这七个小时。
and what this shows us is that time is highly elastic. we cannot make more time, but time will stretch to accommodate what we choose to put into it.
这件事告诉我们：时间是有弹性的。我们不能创造更多时间，但是时间会自己调整去适应我们选择去做的事情。
and so the key to time management is treating our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater. to get at this, i like to use language from one of the busiest people i ever interviewed. by busy, i mean she was running a small business with 12 people on the payroll, she had si_ children in her spare time.
所以时间管理的关键，就是对待最重要的事情应该像对待那个坏了的热水器一样。要做到这一点，我要借用我采访过最忙的人的话。她经营着一个小企业，请了十二名员工，空余时间她还要照顾六个孩子。
i was getting in touch with her to set up an interview on how she 'had it all' -- that phrase. i remember it was a thursday morning, and she was not available to speak with me. of course, right?
我联系上了她，想要采访她关于她是怎么做到“无所不能”的。我记得那是一个星期四的早晨，她没时间和我说话。当然了，她很忙。
but the reason she was unavailable to speak with me is that she was out for a hike, because it was a beautiful spring morning, and she wanted to go for a hike. so of course this makes me even more intrigued, and when i finally do catch up with her, she e_plains it like this. she says, 'listen laura, everything i do, every minute i spend, is my choice.'
但是她没时间和我说话的原因是，她去远足了。因为那是春季一个美丽的清晨，所以她去远足了。这样的她让我变得更感兴趣了，当我最终联系上她时，她说：“听我说，劳拉，我做的所有的事情，我花的每分每秒，都是我的选择。
and rather than say, 'i don't have time to do _, y or z,' she'd say, 'i don't do _, y or z because it's not a priority.' 'i don't have time,' often means 'it's not a priority.'
”所以与其说， ”我没有时间做这个，这个，或者那个。” 她会说：”我不做这些事情因为这些不是我的首要任务。““我没有时间”的意思通常是 ”那不是我的首要任务”。
if you think about it, that's really more accurate language. i could tell you i don't have time to dust my blinds, but that's not true. if you offered to pay me $100,000 to dust my blinds, i would get to it pretty quickly.
其实你想想， 那的确是更准确的说法。我可能会告诉你我没有时间清理百叶窗，但那不是真的。假如你愿意付我10万美金让我给百叶窗除尘，我会马上就去做。 (笑声)
since that is not going to happen, i can acknowledge this is not a matter of lacking time; it's that i don't want to do it. using this language reminds us that time is a choice. and granted, there may be horrible consequences for making different choices, i will give you that.
既然那不可能发生，我可以说不是因为时间不够，而是我不想做。这么说提醒了我们， 时间是一种选择。我会告诉你，当然，不同的选择有时候会带来可怕的后果。
but we are smart people, and certainly over the long run, we have the power to fill our lives with the things that deserve to be there.
但是我们都是聪明人，从长远来看，我们有能力去选择一些值得做的事，来填补我们生命中的时间。那么我们应该怎么做呢?
so how do we do that? how do we treat our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater?
我们要如何像对待那个坏了的热水器一样对待我们的首要任务?首先，我们需要找出哪些事最重要。
well, first we need to figure out what they are. i want to give you two strategies for thinking about this.the first, on the professional side: i'm sure many people coming up to the end of the year are giving or getting annual performance reviews. you look back over your successes over the year, your 'opportunities for growth.' and this serves its purpose, but i find it's more effective to do this looking forward.
我想给你们分享两个技巧。第一个，从职业的角度来说：我相信许多人在年底的时候，会发出或者收到年度绩效审查。你回头看看这一年的成功和 “成长的机会”。这的确起到了它的作用，但是我发现往前看会更有效。
so i want you to pretend it's the end of ne_t year. you're giving yourself a performance review,and it has been an absolutely amazing year for you professionally. what three to five things did you do that made it so amazing? so you can write ne_t year's performance review now.
我想让你们把这当做下一年的年底。你在给自己做年度绩效审查，在专业方面，这一年的表现非常出众。是哪三到五件事使这一年变得如此出众?你现在就可以写明年的绩效审查。
and you can do this for your personal life, too. i'm sure many of you, like me, come december, get cards that contain these folded up sheets of colored paper, on which is written what is known as the family holiday letter.
你也可以在个人生活方面这么做。我相信你们许多人，包括我，在十二月，都会收到这种夹着彩色纸的卡片。上面写着“家庭假日信件”。
bit of a wretched genre of literature, really, going on about how amazing everyone in the household is,or even more scintillating, how busy everyone in the household is. but these letters serve a purpose,which is that they tell your friends and family what you did in your personal life that mattered to you over the year.
听起来像是一个挺悲惨的文学题材，谈论家里每个人有多了不起，或者更精彩点，家里每个人有多忙。但是这些信有它们的用处，它们告诉你的朋友和家人你这一年里做了什么对个人生活有意义的事。
so this year's kind of done, but i want you to pretend it's the end of ne_t year, and it has been an absolutely amazing year for you and the people you care about. what three to five things did you do that made it so amazing? so you can write ne_t year's family holiday letter now. don't send it.
那么今年快要结束了，我想让你假装这是明年的年底，对你和你在乎的人来说，这都是无与伦比的一年。哪三到五件事让你这一年表现如此出色?其实你现在就可以写明年的家庭假日信件了。先不要发出去。
please, don't send it. but you can write it. and now, between the performance review and the family holiday letter, we have a list of si_ to ten goals we can work on in the ne_t year.
真的，不要发出去。但是你可以写。现在，有了绩效评估和写给家人的信，我们就有了六到十个明年可以努力的目标。我们需要先把他们分成可行的阶段性任务。
and now we need to break these down into doable steps. so maybe you want to write a family history.first, you can read some other family histories, get a sense for the style. then maybe think about the questions you want to ask your relatives, set up appointments to interview them. or maybe you want to run a 5k. so you need to find a race and sign up, figure out a training plan, and dig those shoes out of the back of the closet.
或许你要写一个家族传记。首先吗，你可以读读别人的家族历史，了解一下大概的风格 然后可以想象你要问亲戚的问题，约定和他们见面谈话的时间。或者你想要参加一个五千米的短程马拉松。你需要先找一个竞赛报名，再做一个培训计划，从衣柜底下翻出你的运动鞋。
and then -- this is key -- we treat our priorities as the equivalent of that broken water heater, by putting them into our schedules first. we do this by thinking through our weeks before we are in them.
然后——这是关键——我们将我们的首要事件视为那个坏掉的热水器，将它们优先放入我们的日程表里。我们要在事情发生的几周前就先想好。
i find a really good time to do this is friday afternoons. friday afternoon is what an economist might calla 'low opportunity cost' time. most of us are not sitting there on friday afternoons saying, 'i am e_cited to make progress toward my personal and professional priorities right now.'
我发现周五的下午最适合处理这事儿。周五的下午是被经济学家称为“低机会成本”时间。我们大部分人不会在周五下午想着，“我要朝我的个人和职业生涯的首要事件迈进了， 所以很兴奋。“
but we are willing to think about what those should be. so take a little bit of time friday afternoon, make yourself a three-category priority list: career, relationships, self. making a three-category list reminds usthat there should be something in all three categories.
但是我们愿意去想那些事是什么。所以在周五下午花一点时间，为自己做一个分成三类的首要事件的列表：事业、人际关系、个人。这样的三项分类列表提醒了我们每一个类别都应该有一些事。
career, we think about; relationships, self -- not so much. but anyway, just a short list, two to three items in each. then look out over the whole of the ne_t week, and see where you can plan them in.
事业，我们经常考虑;人际关系，个人——很少会想。无论如何，只要一个短短的列表，每个都包含两到三件事。它们会帮助我们看清下周，如何在下周计划这些事情。你可以决定如何计划。
where you plan them in is up to you. i know this is going to be more complicated for some people than others. i mean, some people's lives are just harder than others. it is not going to be easy to find time to take that poetry class if you are caring for multiple children on your own. i get that. and i don't want to minimize anyone's struggle. but i do think that the numbers i am about to tell you are empowering.
这可能对一些人来说会比较困难一点。我的意思是，有些人的人生就是比较复杂。如果你自己有好几个要照顾的小孩，想要找时间去参加诗歌班一定不容易。我懂。我不想轻视任何人的困难。但是我觉得我接下来要说的数字，是会改变你的想法的。
there are 168 hours in a week. twenty-four times seven is 168 hours. that is a lot of time. if you are working a full-time job, so 40 hours a week, sleeping eight hours a night, so 56 hours a week -- that leaves 72 hours for other things. that is a lot of time.
我们每周都有168个小时，24乘以7是168个小时。这是一段很长时间。假如你有一个全职的工作，一周是40个小时，每晚睡八个小时，一周是56个小时，我们有剩下72个小时来做其他事情。这是一段很长的时间。
you say you're working 50 hours a week, maybe a main job and a side hustle. well, that leaves 62 hours for other things. you say you're working 60 hours. well, that leaves 52 hours for other things. you say you're working more than 60 hours. well, are you sure?
假如你说你每周工作50个小时，比如一份全职和一份兼职。这样你还是有60小时去做其他的事情。假如你说你每周工作60个小时，你还是有52个小时去做其他的事情。你说你每周工作超过60个小时，你确定吗?
there was once a study comparing people's estimated work weeks with time diaries. they found that people claiming 75-plus-hour work weeks were off by about 25 hours.
曾经有一个研究对比了人们估计的工作时间，和实际的工作日记。他们发现那些表示工作超过75小时的人，有25小时的误差。
you can guess in which direction, right? anyway, in 168 hours a week, i think we can find time for what matters to you.
你可以猜到这个误差是多了还是少了吧?无论如何，在一周的168个小时里，我觉得我们总可以找到时间做我们想做的事。
if you want to spend more time with your kids, you want to study more for a test you're taking, you want to e_ercise for three hours and volunteer for two, you can. and that's even if you're working way more than full-time hours.
如果你想花时间陪陪你的孩子，或者准备你即将到来的考试，你想锻炼两三个小时或者 做两个小时志愿者，你都可以的。即便你的工作时间远超过法定时间。
so we have plenty of time, which is great, because guess what? we don't even need that much time to do amazing things. but when most of us have bits of time, what do we do? pull out the phone, right?start deleting emails. otherwise, we're puttering around the house or watching tv.
所以我们有很多时间，这很好。但是你知道吗?我们根本不需要那么多时间去完成一个大目标。但当我们有一点空闲时间的时候，我们会做什么?拿出手机，是吧?开始删除邮件。或者在家里闲逛，看电视。
but small moments can have great power. you can use your bits of time for bits of joy. maybe it's choosing to read something wonderful on the bus on the way to work.
但是每个不起眼的时刻都潜力无限。你可以用零星的时间，来获得零星的快乐。比如说在去上班的公车上读一些精彩的东西。
i know when i had a job that required two bus rides and a subway ride every morning, i used to go to the library on weekends to get stuff to read. it made the whole e_perience almost, almost, enjoyable. breaks at work can be used for meditating or praying. if family dinner is out because of your crazy work schedule, maybe family breakfast could be a good substitute.
当我以前的工作需要我每天早上乘两趟公车和一趟地铁的时候，我周末会去图书馆找东西来读。这几乎，几乎让我的生活更丰富了。工作间隙的休息时间可以用来冥想或者祷告。如果你因为工作忙而不能吃家庭晚餐，试一下家庭早餐。
it's about looking at the whole of one's time and seeing where the good stuff can go. i truly believe this.there is time. even if we are busy, we have time for what matters. and when we focus on what matters, we can build the lives we want in the time we've got.
这就是看着一个人所有的时间，然后找到什么时候可以做想做的事。我真的相信，我们都有充分的时间。就算我们很忙，我们仍然有时间去做重要的事。当我们关注在重要的事上时，我们可以用所拥有的时间创造我们想要的生活。
thank you.
谢谢。
第4篇 自由演讲稿
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mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:
i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.
that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.
e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.
the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.
in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.
i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.
there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.
the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.
as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.
the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
our national policy is this:
first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
to give you two illustrations:
we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.
we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
let us say to the democracies: 'we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge.'
in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.
a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.
the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:
equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
jobs for those who can work.
security for those who need it.
the ending of special privilege for the few.
the preservation of civil liberties for all.
the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.
many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:
we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.
the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.
the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.
the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.
to that high concept there can be no end save victory.
第5篇 自由演讲稿
阅读小贴士：本篇共计877个字，预计看完需要3分钟，共有114位用户收藏，18人推荐！
尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：
大家好！
如今的社会在追求平等，过去的社会也在追求平等，好像从古代到今天，从外国到中国，每个社会都在追求平等。而平等又像个太阳让我们看到光明顶希望，却永远触及不到。
从中华人民共和国成立的那一天，就在追求男女平等，而今呢？真的真正上的平等了吗？那就不会听到丢弃的女婴在严寒中哭泣。“男女平等”四个简单的字，却可拯救无数条女婴的生命。如果现在社会上真正男女平等了，那就说明人们的思想已经被重新更换，就像树一样，既然长满了蛀虫，就应该连根拔起，重新栽种上新的树苗，并根深蒂固。可是，更换思想怎么会那么容易呢？人们的思想已被一代代的封建思想侵蚀了。所以我们新的一代，不被腐化的一代要拯救那一个个幼小的生灵。高举“男女平等”的旗帜，就算永远追不上，也要像愚公移山一样持之以恒，因为我们要追求平等。
人从生下来就是平等的，不管你是出生在贫困家庭还是富裕家庭，一样拥有相同的中华人民共和国的平等____，承担着相同的法律责任和道德义务。可是总有有一些人不这样认为，他们凭借着自己钱多权大，就我行我素，好像世界上他们就是主宰，贫穷的人就应该为他们服务，就应该做他们的奴隶。这就违背了我们所追求的平等。不管你财多物富与否，不管你位高权重与否，身为公民都应该享有同样的权利，承担相同的义务。这不仅?_曳伤娑ǎ?a href='www.koomao.com/hotnews/gerenjianli.html' target='_blank' title='个人简历'>个人简历也应该是每个懂得平等的人所追求的。上帝让我们来到这五彩缤纷的世间时，就赋予了我们相同的权利，给了我们亲情、友情、健康、快乐——但同时也让我们承担了相同的义务，那就是共同创建一个和谐、美好、平等的社会。
时常听到有人抱怨说：“上天太不公平了，为什么所有的不幸都让我碰上了？”事实上，上天对每个人都是公平的，只是因为社会上的各种因素而导致让你觉得上天的不公。而恰恰相反，上天让你在磨练中成长了一些，明白了一些人情世故。所以我们不要埋怨上天，只是人类永远的贪婪和无穷的欲望，让我们看到了社会中的不平等。而我们要做的只有摆在自己的心态，平等对待生活，平等对待每一个生命，也许他们同你有一样的遭遇。
第6篇 自由演讲稿
阅读小贴士：本篇共计922个字，预计看完需要3分钟，共有175位用户收藏，14人推荐！
发现优势，自由生长——在蕲春实验学校的演讲稿 蕲春是李时珍的故乡。李时珍也是读书人，考中秀才之后，接连几次去武昌考举人，都没有考中，于是干脆放弃，开始行医，因为医术高明，所以当了太医。但他当了一段时间后，回到了民间，读万卷书，行万里路，撰写了190万字的《本草纲目》，为中国医药做出了伟大的贡献。
这也说明，人才的发展，并非只有一条路，走最适合自己的道路，才是最明智的。在李时珍的时代，读书人的出路，不外乎三种，做官、行医、教书。而在我们的时代，出路却空前的广泛，尤其是我们互联网时代，人选择职业越来越自由，也就更容易找到自己爱做的事，得到自我价值的实现。
这就是我今天演讲的主题：别样的青春期，发现优势，自由生长。
就在上周五，一个同事来找我。他四十岁，中科院博士，材料学教授。材料学，大家听了，是不是有点不明觉厉啊？我对他的专业也肃然起敬。可就是这个年富力强、前途无量的大教授，却告诉我，他其实不喜欢材料学，而是喜欢写诗，写小说。我觉得好奇怪，那你为什么学材料呢？他说，读中学时，大家都说，工科有出息，有前途，所以他明明喜欢文科，但却没勇气去学，而是选了理科。然后呢，人在江湖，身不由己。他本科学了物理，硕士读了物理化学，博士读了材料学，他一直从事这一行的研究，而把心爱的文学搁置了二十年。他现在工作稳定，但总觉得没劲，每天干的事情，只不过为了生存，而不是他真正热爱的。于是，在五年前，他开始写作，到现在，已经完成了两部长篇小说，上百首诗。我读了以后，觉得都还不错，但是因为没有专业训练，所以不太能发表。而他已经四十岁了，而且陷入了两难境界：原来的工作不喜欢，但又舍不得放弃，不放弃，又没时间训练写作，所以两头不讨好。当他得知我本科学的是生物学，研究生读的是文学，就叹息说：“为什么在很年轻的时候，不勇敢一点，选择自己喜欢的专业呢？”
世间之事就是这样。等你明白路怎么走的时候，往往已无路可走。所以，在人生的关键时刻，需要当头棒喝。这个来棒喝的人，可以是自己，可以是别人，也可以是命运。但大多数人没有这个自省能力，等命运敲响警钟，又往往为时过晚。所以，我今天站在这个，给大家一声棒喝。
这次讲座四十五分钟，刚好一节课的时间，希望我们一起快乐地度过这难得的时光。
第7篇 自由演讲稿
阅读小贴士：本篇共计1067个字，预计看完需要3分钟，共有246位用户收藏，14人推荐！
尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：
大家好!
自由，似乎是很多人一直都梦想得到的，但自由只是一个抽象的概念，那么，何为自由?
有人认为自由是一切以自我为中心，也有人认为自由是有钱有权，心有所想，事有所成。而我认为自由不仅仅是物质的，更体现在精神层面。我对自由的寻找就从书中开始……
自由在一本本童话书中。在很小的时候，读的最多的是那些王子与公主的唯美的爱情故事，他们都试图摆脱物质上的束缚，突破重重困难，只为寻找到那属于自己的爱情。而在我看来，那不仅仅是爱情，更是敢于突破自身和困境，寻找那来之不易的心灵上的自由。在我心中，自由就是那最后的大团圆，是永恒的欢声笑语，是永远的爱与被爱。但随着年龄的增长，却发现，爱不会永远的存在每个人身上。在这个世界上，还有着许多被遗忘的人，他们或许被战乱所害，或许被贫穷所困，他们在生死间挣扎，为满足物质生活而奔波，他们缺少爱，缺少关怀，因此得不到心灵上的自由。
自由在哪?在我少年的生活中，一直有着对这个问题探求的渴望。在那个黑暗的中世纪，许多哲人探寻着自由与爱。于是，但丁的《神曲》引领我寻找爱，寻找自由。在那黑暗的地狱是不爱人者的居所，是夺他人自由者的囚笼，在这里的所有人都被功名利禄等心魔所困扰和折磨，以至于接受惩罚的煎熬。那美丽的，拥有着朝阳的炼狱给予了渴望爱渴望自由之人新的希望，他们通过心灵的修行，渴望摆脱心魔，不断追求心灵的自由。而那充满着爱与被爱的天堂，则是真正的自由之地，因为在这里的人们心灵纯善，互爱互敬，相处和谐。寻找是《神曲》的主题，自由则是它寻找的目的。原来自由是要被寻找和发现的，它蕴藏在每一份爱人者的身边，爱着他人，不仅给予了他人自由，也给予了自己自由。
如今，我在我们的先哲那里发现了自由的更高境界。《礼记》曾经为我们建造了一个大同世界，在这个世界里“外户而不闭”，人人无心作恶，这叫善的大同。孟子提倡“老吾老以及人之老幼吾幼以及人之幼”，社会上老有所养，少有所依，贫困之人也有着来自他人的救济，没有人自私自利，只顾自己的功名利禄;每个人都可以做自己想做的事，去追求心灵、精神上的自由。但“敬人易，则爱人难”，想将“爱人”普及到所有人，是十分困难的，这就需要极高的素养，需要人与人之间互敬互爱，真正做到心中无我，只有他人，这就需要我们努力突破心灵的束缚，扔下一切思想上的自私与小我，这样做就能得到心灵上的解放和精神上的愉悦惬意，达到真正的自由。
所以，自由不是凭空而生，它从爱中而来，只有对他人，这个社会，对世间的一切生灵都饱含爱意，这个人才会获得真正的自由;当每个人都处在爱之中，整个社会就会获得真正的自由。
第8篇 自由演讲稿
阅读小贴士：本篇共计577个字，预计看完需要2分钟，共有250位用户收藏，26人推荐！
尊敬的老师，亲爱的同学们：
大家好!
很多人可能会以为，一个人只要拥有了财富与权力，便可以为所欲为地做任何事情，才会拥有真正的自由，殊不知，那不过是作茧自缚，永远也不会得到真正的自由。或许那会使你得到一时的痛快，但是，最终只会换来一世的不痛快，那么，何为真正的自由呢?
我们都想摆脱规则的束缚，变得如同诗仙李白一般，不惧权贵，一心做着自己喜欢做的事情，可是，不劳而获的事情永远不可能发生。“欲戴王冠，必承其重”，一个人若想要获得真正的自由，那么，他势必先需懂得如何忍受孤独。
在追寻自由的道路上，不会有人与你相伴，只会有无数的嘲讽与不屑。漫漫长路，只会有自己独身与黑暗对抗，也只有在这样的条件下，才可以塑造出一颗真正坚不可摧的强大内心。
正如诗仙李白一般他在经历过现实的黑暗，感受到官府的无能与残暴后，便寻求摆脱官府的束缚，她既不攀附权贵，又不与世俗同流合污，过着世人所不能理解的生活——因为在世人眼中，人就应该为了权力与财富攀附权贵。他这个世人眼中的疯子，在经历了别人的不屑与嘲讽，经历了他人无法忍受的寂寞与孤独后，获得了真正的自由——他隐世于山林之中，整日与诗为伴，游历于河山之间，过着自己向往的生活，自由快活，留下了“我本楚狂人，凤歌笑孔丘”这样狂放不羁的绝句。
当一个人承受过孤独无助的痛苦过后，他才可能拥有真正的自由——既可以一心做自己喜爱的事情，有不会影响到他人。
第9篇 自由演讲稿
阅读小贴士：本篇共计1031个字，预计看完需要3分钟，共有161位用户收藏，22人推荐！
“生命的宽度在于自由，一个人获得了自由，生命也就有了真正的价值”
青春期伊始，当我把这句话作为信仰，并且试图追求它时，整个世界是与我做对的。我曾带着疑惑去询问长辈，老师，得到的答案永远是否定;我以为朋友能懂我，当他们觉得我在开玩笑时，我感到了忧伤。
青春期幼嫩的芽儿经不起摧折，我只能选择沉默，却不安分。
我相信生命，更追求自由。至少那时的我，无所畏惧。
在一次次的叛逆与逃离后，我的父母开始重视这个问题，尽管他们不能理解我的勇气从何而来。
他们把我带到野外，给了我一顶帐篷和一只旅行包。爸爸对我说：“我们愿意给你足够的自由，你将会在这里待到明天。也许明天我们都会有新的想法。”
“主意不错。”我没有表现出恐惧，并能清楚地看到他们脸上的惊讶与失望。
在说明书的指导下我很容易就搭好了帐篷，不错的开端。接下来很长的一段时间都很无聊，可新鲜感还未消散，我还是感到很惬意。我坚信在这难得的一天我会过得很精彩。正值盛夏，青草绿的发油，草香混着泥土朴实的气息让我昏昏欲睡，我斜躺在草丛里，看着天空绵密的云，微风像温柔的手轻抚过发丝，脸颊，我从未觉得如此自由过，甚至在很多瞬间，都能体会到灵魂漫入云端的喜悦。
余晖万丈过后，天边星子如乱棋。第一个独自在外的夜晚，夜空繁星璀璨，熠熠生辉。想唱首好听的歌，或者静静享受着静谧，可当潮湿的水珠打在我的脊背，蚊虫开始叮咬我时，我越来越烦躁不安。无心再享受，钻进了帐篷之后我的身体开始发冷，妈妈为我准备的薄毯披在身上，我发现我开始想念父母了。
我怎么能说后悔呢?尽管我已经开始后悔，可是我并不想承认。
野外的夜晚并不寂静，田野里，小河边，四周，到处都虫鸣蛙叫。我的听觉，视力比平常好像发达了数千倍，偶尔树枝折断的声音都能引起我的警惕，映在帐篷上的草丛被风吹动的影子好像快要把我吞噬。胆战心惊，我不能停止一些想象。我想象着月亮真的像电影里一样变化，被一朵暗云遮住，又逐渐变得半遮不遮，可是透出的光却红的诡异;我想象着远处小山包突然慢慢移动，一点一点逼近我。
我害怕了。
我发自内心的后悔了。我痛恨自己的愚蠢，无知，任意妄为，为自己带来了天大的麻烦。其实我并没有胆量，更不懂如何经营自己的生命。盲目追求的自由，毫无意义的生命。自由与生命，是没错的，错的是我的偏执。有什么生命，比家人，朋友在身边，夜晚不会恐惧，琐碎的小事不会让自己无聊更有价值，更自由呢?
我忘记了那个夜晚有没有睡着，我只记得看到第二天的太阳，感觉心是满足的，看到父母的笑容，感觉生命是完整无憾的。
那一天，不想忘记。
第10篇 自由演讲稿
阅读小贴士：本篇共计806个字，预计看完需要3分钟，共有174位用户收藏，22人推荐！
自由，一个充满快乐，充满幸福的词。有多少的人向往这种生活，向往自由。自由，它代表着我们的喜怒哀乐，代表着人生中的坎坎坷坷。自由可谓是人的灵魂。
从小我就渴望自由，渴望着家长的放手。可是，从小到大家长从来都不给自由的空间我，他们会时时刻刻“盯”着我，我似乎连喘气的机会都没有。
小时候，家人以还小的理由不让我出去玩，整天呆在家里。每当我想逃出时总有一股巨大的力量阻拦着我，顿时我渴望自由。
当我渐渐长大的时候，有了好伙伴，她们时常叫我出去玩，但是几乎每一次我都无法用任何理由征得妈妈的同意。久而久之，我和她们就慢慢地疏远了。
我非常渴望自由。我讨厌别人管着我、束缚着我。这种渴望在一天一天地增加，可是家人却一天比一天管得严。很多时候我觉得非常难受，快窒息了。
我真的非常渴望自由，我也能理解父母望子成龙、望女成凤的梦想。但是他们应该给我们一些自由，放开我们的手，让我们自己去闯一片属于自己的天地。只有真正的放手，才能让自己的孩子成长起来。
你们以为把孩子关在家里，孩子们就会收心认真学习吗?你们真是大错特错。你们越是这样我们就越渴望自由，觉得在这里连喘气的机会都没有，想逃出去，远离这里。就算你们这么做真的让孩子成龙成凤了，孩子就会开心吗?我们总是说童年是最快乐的。可是事实真是如此吗?我不这么觉得，整天被学习压得差点窒息。
我渴望我的自由，假如我拥有了它，我要变成一只鹰，在蔚蓝的天空上飞翔，去世界最高、最远的地方，去完成我的梦;在风雨中，我会傲然飞翔，尽管有多大的困难，我都会做最好的自己。
家长们，放心吧，放开孩子的手，我们长大了，遇到挫折已不会再哭泣，跌倒了会笑着站起来。。我们渴望自由，渴望我们自己的青春，让我们自己面对生活，自己选择吧!
你们只有真正地放手了，我才会成凤，才不会怕遇到困难和挫折，哪怕是掉下了万谷深渊，我也不会惧怕不会气馁不会跌倒，我会再一步一步地爬到最高的地方。
你们放心吧!没有你们的搀扶我也会磕磕碰碰地向前走去。
