罗斯福英语演讲稿模板（6篇范文）

罗斯福英语演讲稿 模板1

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mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during si_teen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost e_clusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people"s freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today"s best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge."

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation"s hands must not be tied when the nation"s life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

罗斯福英语演讲稿 模板2

阅读小贴士：模板2共计11629个字，预计阅读时长30分钟。朗读需要59分钟，中速朗读78分钟，在庄重严肃场合朗读需要106分钟，有252位用户喜欢。

mr. president, mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word "unprecedented" because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the states -- ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in 48 states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, e_tending over all these years, was proved, for e_ample, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

e_cept in the ma_imilian interlude in me_ico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and the strength of the british fleet in the atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. during 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the congress information of the state of the union," i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic e_istence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, and africa and austral-asia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly e_ceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere -- yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can e_pect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of e_pression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually e_pect if the dictator nations win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger e_ists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe -- particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america. as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the e_ecutive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility, great accountability. the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost e_clusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

secondly, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we e_press our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive e_pression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people"s freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on this line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases -- and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual e_perience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today"s best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. and the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of e_pert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. that is our purpose and our pledge."

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid -- such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the e_act character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation"s hands must not be tied when the nation"s life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to e_pect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic e_ample, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things e_pected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment -- the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable comple_ity of our modern world. the inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these e_pectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as e_amples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in ta_es. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from ta_ation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of ta_ payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and e_pression -- everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way -- everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants -- everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called "new order" of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

罗斯福演讲稿：四大自由 (中文版)

总统先生，议长先生，第七__届国会的成员：

我你的地址，这个新的国会议员，在联盟的历史上前所未有的时刻。我用"空前的"，因为以前没有已被视为美国的安全受到严重威胁从没有像今天。

由于永久性形成了我国政府在宪法中的1789，大部分在我国历史上危机时期国内事务有关的。而且，幸运的是，其中只有一个——国家之间的战争4年——威胁过我们的民族团结。今天，感谢上帝，130000000的美国人在48个国家已经忘记了指南针在国家的统一。

这是真的，之前的1914美国经常被其他大洲事件干扰。我们甚至已经与欧洲国家进行过两场战争，在西印度群岛中一些未宣战的战争，在地中海和太平洋，为维护美国的权利以及和平贸易的原则。但是没有一个严重的威胁，提出了对我们国家的安全和持续的独立性。

我想要说的是，美国作为一个国家已在所有时间保持反对党——清楚历史真相，明确反对——任何企图把我们锁在一个古老的中国墙的后面，而游行的文明到过去。今天，考虑到我们的孩子和他们的孩子，我们反对强制隔离，为自己或为美洲的其他任何部分。

我们的决心，在过去的这些年，被证明，例如，在早期的战争的四分之一世纪在法国革命之后。虽然拿破仑的斗争，并威胁到了美国的利益，因为在西印度群岛的法国的立足点，在路易斯安那，当我们从事1812战争来维护我们的和平贸易的权利，它仍然是明确的，无论是法国或英国或其他国家都不可能主宰整个世界。

和喜欢时尚，从1815到1914——九十九年——没有一个单一的战争在欧洲或亚洲的一个真正的威胁，对我们未来的或与美国其他民族的未来构成。

除了在墨西哥的马西米兰的插曲，没有外国势力试图建立自己在这个半球。在大西洋的英国舰队实力一直友好的力量;它仍然是一个友好的力量。

即使世界大战爆发于1914，它似乎只包含小的危险，我们美国的未来。但随着时间的推移，我们记得，美国人民开始想象什么民主国家的垮台意味着我们自己的民主。

我们不必过分强调凡尔赛和约的缺陷。我们不需要强调民主的失败来解决世界重建问题。我们应该记住，1919的和平比绥靖开始甚至在慕尼黑这种不公平的，而且这是正在进行的新的专制秩序，寻求遍布各大洲今天下。美国人民坚定不移地反对那种专制。

我想，每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式在这一刻被直接地在世界的每一个部分——攻击或是武器或是秘密的那些试图破坏团结，促进不和在仍处于和平的各国有毒的宣传。在16个月的时间内，这种攻击已涂抹在独立的国家数目惊人的民主生活的整体格局，大的和小的。这些攻击者还在进军，威胁其他国家，大的和小的。

因此，作为你们的总统，履行宪法赋予我的职责"给了联盟国家的国会的信息，"我很不幸的是必要的报告，我们国家的未来和安全以及我们的民主制度是压倒性的参与远远超出我们的边境事件。

民主捍卫着现在四大洲的人民正在勇敢。如果辩护失败，所有的人口与欧洲和亚洲的所有资源，非洲及澳洲将被征服者。让我们记住这四大洲的人口总数，总的人口和资源大大超过了人口的总和，西半球的整个资源——是的，很多次。

在这样的时代是不成熟和不真实的————，顺便说一句，任何人吹牛说一个还没有准备好的美国，独自用一只手绑在背后，可以控制整个世界。

任何现实的美国人都不能期望从一个独裁的和平国际慷慨，或恢复真正的独立，或世界裁军，或言论自由，或宗教信仰自由——甚至是良好的业务。这样的和平将给我们或者我们的邻国带来不安全。那些愿意放弃基本自由来换取一点临时安全的人不配享有自由和安全。

作为一个国家，我们可以在事实上，我们是仁慈的骄傲;但我们不能成为愚蠢。我们必须永远警惕那些敲锣打鼓宣传"主义"的绥靖政策。我们必须特别小心那一小撮自私自利的人会夹美国鹰的翅膀为了中饱私囊。

我最近曾指出，现代战争的节奏多快能把我们中间的物理攻击，我们最终必须如果独裁国家打赢这场战争的期望。

我们立即和直接浸润的免疫多谈松飘洋过海。显然，只要英国海军保留它的力量，这样的危险是不存在的。即使没有英国海军，也没有任何敌人会蠢到登陆部队在美国穿越几千里的海洋攻击我们，直到它已获得了可使用的战略基地。

但是我们学到很多来自欧洲的过去几年的经验教训——特别是挪威的教训，他们主要的港口被背叛和惊喜的是建立在一系列的年。这个半球入侵的第一阶段将不定期的军队登陆。该战略的要点是要通过占领特务和他们的愚弄——他们中的许多已经在这里和拉丁美洲的美国。只要侵略国保持进攻他们，不是我们，将选择的时间、地点和他们的攻击方法。

这就是为何美国的将来受到威胁。这就是为什么这一年一度的国会咨文是我国历史上独一无二的。这就是为什么政府的行政部门和国会的每位成员都面临着巨大的责任，重大的责任。需要的时刻，我们的行动和我们的政策应该是主要的————几乎专门应对外部的威胁。因为我们所有的国内问题，现在是伟大的紧急的一部分。

正如我们在内政方面的国家政策是以尊重的权利和在我们的大门对所有同胞的尊严，所以我们在外交方面的国家政策是基于尊重所有国家的权利与尊严，大的和小的。正义的道德将会获得最终的胜利。

这是我们的国家政策：

首先，根据公众意志的令人印象深刻的表达和不考虑党派之争，我们致力于全面的国防。

其次，根据公众意志的令人印象深刻的表达和不考虑党派之争，我们致力于所有这些人都是谁坚决抵抗侵略从而使战争远离我们的半球的全力支持。通过这种支持我们表达我们的民主事业必胜的决心，我们加强我国自身的防务和安全。

第三，根据公众意志的令人印象深刻的表达和不考虑党派之争，我们致力于命题，为了我们自己的安全和道德的考虑原则将不会允许我们默许和平由侵略者支配、由两。我们知道，持久和平是不能购买成本的其他人的自由。

在最近的国家选举中没有实质性的差异之间的两大政党在国家政策上。没有问题进行了这一行之前，美国的选民。今天，很明显，美国公民都要求和支持快速和完整的明显的危险识别作用。

因此，当务之急是迅速增加我们的军械生产。工业和劳工领袖回应我们的召唤。速度的目标已经确定。在某些情况下，这些目标是达到提前。在某些情况下，我们按计划;在其他情况下，有轻微的滞后但不严重。在一些情况下——，我很抱歉，非常重要的方面——我们所有的计划完成的慢度有关。

陆军和海军，然而，在过去一年取得了巨大的进步。实际经验是改进和加快生产方式与我们每一天。今天最好的不够好，明天。

我不满意迄今取得的进展。项目的负责人是最好的训练，能力，和爱国主义。他们不满意迄今取得的进展。没有人会满意直到任务完成。

不论最初的目标定得太高或太低，我们的目标是更快，更好的结果。

给你两个插图：

我们的进度落后生产出成品的飞机。我们正在夜以继日地工作，为了解决无数的问题，赶上。

我们在建立军舰提前，但我们的工作也得到了进一步的计划。

要改变整个国家的和平与战争时的生产基础实施平时生产的基础是不小的任务。和最大的困难是在程序开始时，新工具，新的工厂设施，新的装配线，新船台首先必须构建实际材料开始流动稳步前迅速从他们。

当然，国会，必须时刻知晓的计划进度。然而，有一定的信息，作为国会也能够认识到，其中，在我们自己的安全和利益的国家，我们支持，必须要保密。

新情况不断带来新的需要为我们的安全。我将要求国会大量增加新的拨款和授权继续进行我们已经开始。

我还要求国会权威和足够的资金来制造更多的子弹和各种战争物资，对这些国家现在的战争是侵略与实际国家。我们最有效和最直接的作用是作为他们的一个阿森纳和我们自己。他们不需要人力，但他们需要数十亿美元的国防武器。

不久之后他们将无法用现金偿还。我们不能，我们不会，告诉他们必须投降只是因为他们无力支付的武器，我们知道他们必须拥有。

我不建议我们让他们的美元贷款，用以支付这些武器——要偿还的贷款。我建议我们可以使那些国家继续在美国获得战争物资，拟合其命令为我们自己的计划。而几乎所有的材料，如果时间来过，有利于我们自己的防卫。

以咨询军事专家们，考虑什么是最适合我们自己的安全，我们可以自由地决定多少应保持在这里，多少应该送到国外对我们的朋友，他们的决心和英勇的抵抗，给我们的时间来使自己的防御准备。

我们送出国我们应当偿还，偿还在合理的时间后，敌对的接近，类似的材料偿还，或在我们的选择的其他各种物质可以产生我们需要的。

让我们说："我们美国人的民主自由在你的防御非常关注。我们将提出我们的精力，我们的资源，我们的组织能力，给你力量恢复和维持一个自由的世界。我们要把你的数量在不断增加，船舶，飞机，坦克，大炮。这是我们的目标和承诺。"

为了实现这个目标，我们不会被吓倒的独裁的威胁，他们将之视为违反国际法或作为民主国家哪敢反抗侵略的战争我们的援助法案。这样的援助——这样的援助不是战争行为，即使一个独裁应该单方面的这样做。

当独裁们——如果独裁——准备向我们开战，他们不会等待我们的行动的一部分战争。

他们并不等待挪威和比利时和荷兰来的战争。他们唯一感兴趣的是一个新的单向国际法，而它的惯例不相关，因此成为压迫的工具。未来几代美国人的幸福取决于我们如何有效而迅速地使我们的援助感到。没有人能告诉怎样的紧急情况，我们可能会被要求满足。国家的手不得在国家命脉垂危的时候，把。

是的，我们必须做好准备，我们所有的准备，作出牺牲，紧急——几乎和战争本身一样严重的——要求。无论站在这样的速度和效率，在防守方面，任何形式的防御准备，必须让国家的需要。

一个自由的国家有权要求所有团体充分合作。一个自由的国家有权期望商界领袖的劳动力，农业，并带头努力，但不是在其他群体自己组内的。

处理在我们中间的那些懒鬼和麻烦制造者的最好方法是，首先，用爱国的例子去羞辱他们，如果失败，使用政府主权政府的拯救。

正如人不能单靠面包生活，他们不光靠武器战斗。我们这些人谁的抗辩和防御背后谁建立我们必须有毅力和勇气来自不可动摇的信念在他们正在保卫的生活方式。我们呼吁不能基于无视所有的强有力的行动。

国家非常满意和强度已经完成，让人民意识到在美国的民主生活的保存他们的个人利益的事情。那些人纤维增韧的，革新了他们的信心，增强了他们对所要保护的。

当然，这是没有时间为任何人停止有关的社会革命，是当今世界上最高的因素造成的社会和经济问题的思考。有关于健康和强大的民主国家的基础没有什么神秘的。

最基本的东西，他们预期到我们的政治和经济系统中的人都是简单的。他们是：

青年平等机会和别人。

对于那些能够工作的工作。

对于那些需要它的安全。

为结束少数人的特权。

保护所有人的公民自由权。

享受的——更广泛和不断上升的生活标准享受科学进步的果实。

这些都是简单的，千万不要在我们这个混乱和令人难以置信的复杂的现代世界失去了最基本的东西。我国的经济和政治体制的内在和持久的力量，取决于他们在何种程度上满足这些期望。

许多人与我国社会经济需要立即改善。为例：

我们应该让更多的公民的养老和失业保险的覆盖下。

我们应该扩大医疗保险的机会。

我们应该计划一个更好的系统，哪些人值得或需要有报酬的工作可以得到它。

我已经要求个人牺牲，我放心，几乎所有的美国人响应号召的意愿。牺牲部分的方式缴纳更多的税款。在我的预算案的消息，我会建议这个伟大的防御计划更大的部分是由税收支付，比我们今天所支付的。没有人应该尝试，或可以致富的计划，并与支付能力按照纳税原则应当继续指导着我们的立法。

如果国会认为这些原则的选民，把爱国主义前面口袋，将给你掌声。

在未来的日子里，我们力求安定，我们期待一个建立在四项人类基本自由的世界。

第一是言论和表达的自由——在世界各地。

第二是每个人以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由——在世界各地。

第三是免于匮乏的自由，其中，翻译成世界经济的理解，这将确保每一个国家的居民健康的和平生活——在世界各地。

第四是免于恐惧的自由，其中，从全球的角度说，意味着世界范围的裁军是如此彻底的方式，没有一个国家有能力做任何邻居的身体攻击行为——在世界任何地方。

这不是幻想中的一个遥远的千年。这是我们自己的时间和产生一种世界达到一定的基础。这种世界的所谓"新秩序"的对立面专制独裁企图用炸弹的威力创造。

这一新的订单我们反对伟大的观念——道德秩序。一个好的社会计划能够面对世界统治和外国革命而无所畏惧。

美国有史以来我们一直在变化，在一个永久的和平革命，这场革命，稳步地，悄悄地，适应变化中的情况没有集中营或生石灰沟。我们所寻求的世界秩序，是自由国家之间的合作，共同在一个友好的工作，文明社会。

这个国家把它的命运掌握在手和头的千百万自由男女的心中，并在其自由信仰的神指导下。自由意味着任何地方人权至上。我们支持那些奋斗争取这些权利，让他们。我们的优势在于我们目标一致。

那个高的概念可以有没有尽头的胜利。

罗斯福英语演讲稿 模板3

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my friends:

this is not a fireside chat on war. it is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your president is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of american independence, and all of the things that american independence means to you and to me and to ours.

tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. it was a time when the wheels of american industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. i well remember that while i sat in my study in the white house, preparing to talk with the people of the united states, i had before my eyes the picture of all those americans with whom i was talking. i saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their life"s savings. i tried to convey to the great mass of american people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.

tonight, i want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces america. we met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. we face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. never before since jamestown and plymouth rock has our american civilization been in such danger as now. for on september 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in berlin, three powerful nations, two in europe and one in asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the united states of america interfered with or blocked the e_pansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the united states.

the nazi masters of germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of europe, and then to use the resources of europe to dominate the rest of the world. it was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: "there are two worlds that stand opposed to each other." and then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: "others are correct when they say: "with this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves.""" i can beat any other power in the world." so said the leader of the nazis.

in other words, the a_is not merely admits but the a_is proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. in view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the united states has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.

at this moment the forces of the states that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. the germans and the italians are being blocked on the other side of the atlantic by the british and by the greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. in asia the japanese are being engaged by the chinese nation in another great defense. in the pacific ocean is our fleet.

some of our people like to believe that wars in europe and in asia are of no concern to us. but it is a matter of most vital concern to us that european and asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. one hundred and seventeen years ago the monroe doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in continental europe. thereafter, we stood guard in the atlantic, with the british as neighbors. there was no treaty. there was no "unwritten agreement." and yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. and the fact is that during the whole of this time the western hemisphere has remained free from aggression from europe or from asia.

does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the americas while a free britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the atlantic? and does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the a_is powers were our neighbors there? if great britain goes down, the a_is powers will control the continents of europe, asia, africa, austral-asia, and the high seas. and they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. it is no e_aggeration to say that all of us in all the americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with e_plosive bullets, economic as well as military. we should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. and to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.

some of us like to believe that even if britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad e_panse of the atlantic and of the pacific. but the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. at one point between africa and brazil the distance is less than it is from washington to denver, colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. and at the north end of the pacific ocean, america and asia almost touch each other. why, even today we have planes that could fly from the british isles to new england and back again without refueling. and remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.

during the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. almost all of them e_pressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. one telegram, however, e_pressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil e_ists. that telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our american cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this western hemisphere. the gist of that telegram was: "please, mr. president, don"t frighten us by telling us the facts." frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. but we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.

some nations of europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with germany. other nations were assured by germany that they need never fear invasion. nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hour"s notice -- or even without any notice at all. as an e_iled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, "the notice was a minus quantity. it was given to my government two hours after german troops had poured into my country in a hundred places." the fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a nazi gun.

the nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. one of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of "restoring order." another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the e_cuse that they are "protecting it" against the aggression of somebody else. for e_ample, germany has said that she was occupying belgium to save the belgians from the british. would she then hesitate to say to any south american country: "we are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the united states"? belgium today is being used as an invasion base against britain, now fighting for its life. and any south american country, in nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for german attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.

analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to germany if the nazis won. could ireland hold out? would irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet e_ception in an unfree world? or the islands of the azores, which still fly the flag of portugal after five centuries? you and i think of hawaii as an outpost of defense in the pacific. and yet the azores are closer to our shores in the atlantic than hawaii is on the other side.

there are those who say that the a_is powers would never have any desire to attack the western hemisphere. that is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. the plain facts are that the nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. and most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this american hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.

let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. they seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. they try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. they try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. they are active in every group that promotes intolerance. they e_ploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. these trouble-breeders have but one purpose. it is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.

there are also american citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. i do not charge these american citizens with being foreign agents. but i do charge them with doing e_actly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the united states. these people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. some of them go much further than that. they say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the a_is powers. some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. but americans never can and never will do that.

the e_perience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the nazis. no man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. there can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. there can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. we know now that a nation can have peace with the nazis only at the price of total surrender. even the people of italy have been forced to become accomplices of the nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.

the american appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of austria, czechoslovakia, poland, norway, belgium, the netherlands, denmark, and france. they tell you that the a_is powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the united states might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. they call it a "negotiated peace." nonsense! is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of e_termination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? for such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. it would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. and in these contests the americas would offer the only real resistance to the a_is power. with all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of god in chains.

the history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. they may talk of a "new order" in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. in that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. the proposed "new order" is the very opposite of a united states of europe or a united states of asia. it is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. it is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. it is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.

the british people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. our ability to "keep out of war" is going to be affected by that outcome. thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, i make the direct statement to the american people that there is far less chance of the united states getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the a_is than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an a_is victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.

if we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. but i deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that i advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.

the people of europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. they ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.

let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. it will never be earlier. tomorrow will be later than today.

certain facts are self-evident.

in a military sense great britain and the british empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. and they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. there is no demand for sending an american e_peditionary force outside our own borders. there is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. you can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to europe as deliberate untruth. our national policy is not directed toward war. its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.

democracy"s fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the united states and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. and it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for sweden, russia, and other nations near germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into germany every day in the week.

we are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. this is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. it is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military e_perts who are in close touch with e_isting warfare. these military and naval e_perts and the members of the congress and the administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the united states.

this nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. and this great effort requires great sacrifice. i would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. the strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. if our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.

as the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to e_pect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. the worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. for the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. the nation e_pects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. it e_pects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. and on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.

nine days ago i announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. the appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated e_ecutive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of america. they have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. in this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. and i am very thankful.

american industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.

but all of our present efforts are not enough. we must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. and this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of "business as usual." this job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the e_isting productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. the possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. and after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the country"s peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. no pessimistic policy about the future of america shall delay the immediate e_pansion of those industries essential to defense. we need them.

i want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. we have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. i am confident that if and when production of consumer or lu_ury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.

so i appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. with this appeal i give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted e_tent to the great task that lies ahead.

as planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense e_perts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. the decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.

we must be the great arsenal of democracy.

for us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. we must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.

we have furnished the british great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. there will be no "bottlenecks" in our determination to aid great britain. no dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. the british have received invaluable military support from the heroic greek army and from the forces of all the governments in e_ile. their strength is growing. it is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.

i believe that the a_is powers are not going to win this war. i base that belief on the latest and best of information.

we have no e_cuse for defeatism. we have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. i have the profound conviction that the american people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.

美国总统罗斯福演讲稿：

我的朋友们：

这不是战争的炉边谈话。这是关于国家安全的讲话;因为你们的总统的目的，关键是要保持现在的你，和你的孩子后，你的孙子要晚得多，从最后的战争来维护美国的独立，和所有的事情，美国的独立性意味着你和我，我们的。

今晚，面对世界性危机，我的思绪又回到了八年前的一个晚上的国内危机之中。当时的美国工业的车轮被磨到完全停止时，我们整个国家的银行体系已停止功能。我清楚地记得，当我坐在我的研究在白宫，准备在美国的人的谈话中，我曾在我的眼前所有美国人的图片的人我是说。我看到工人们在米尔斯，矿山，工厂，柜台后面的女孩，小掌柜，农民做他的春耕，寡妇和老男人不知道自己一生的积蓄。我试图传达给美国人民银行危机对他们意味着什么在他们的日常生活，大众。

今晚，我想做同样的事情，与相同的人，在这个新的危机，面临美国。我们遇到了1933的勇气和现实问题。我们面临新的危机，这对我们国家安全的新威胁，以同样的勇气和现实主义。以前从来没有从詹姆斯敦和普利茅斯摇滚我们的美国文明现在是危险。在今年的1940年9月27日————在柏林签署了一项协议，三个强大的国家，两个在欧洲和亚洲，连接起来的威胁，如果美国对美国的干扰或阻止这三个国家的扩张计划——一项旨在控制世界——他们会团结在最终的行动反对美国。

纳粹德国的主子们明确表示，他们打算不仅主宰一切的生活和他们自己国家的思想，但也使整个欧洲，然后利用欧洲的资源来统治世界。它只有三个星期前，他们的领导人说："有两个世界，反对对方。"然后在挑衅的回答他的对手，他说："别人都正确时，他们说："这个世界上我们永远无法调和自己。""我可以击败任何其他权力在世界上。"纳粹的领导人这样说。

换句话说，轴不仅仅承认，但轴宣称，最终没有可和平之间的哲学——他们的哲学的政府——和我们的政府理念。在这个不可否认的威胁的性质来看，可以说，正确和绝对，认为美国没有任何权利或理由鼓励谈论和平直到必当有对侵略国部分明确意图放弃所有的控制或征服世界的思想。

作为美国总统，我呼吁国家的努力。我叫它在这个国家，我们的爱和尊敬，我们很荣幸和骄傲的服务名称。我号召我们的人民有绝对的信心，我们共同的事业将极大的成功。

在这一时刻，所有人都联合起来反对自由生活正在举行远离海岸的美国军队。德国人和意大利人被封锁在大西洋彼岸的英国，由希腊人，以及数以千计的士兵和水手得以逃脱被征服的国家。在亚洲，日本正被另一个伟大的中华民族从事国防。在太平洋舰队。

我们中的一些人认为，战争在欧洲和亚洲，我们都不关心。但这是一个最重要的关注，美国，欧洲和亚洲的战争者不应获得导致这个半球海洋控制。一百一十七年前，梦露主义的构思是由我国政府在威胁这个半球的联盟在欧洲大陆面临的防御措施。此后，我们守在大西洋，与英国的邻居。没有条约。没有不成文的协议。"但有感觉，被历史证明是正确的，我们的邻居会在和平的方式解决争议。而事实上，此时的西半球始终没有来自欧洲和亚洲的侵略的整个期间。

有没有人真的相信，我们需要担心的攻击在美洲任何地方而自由英国仍然是我们最强大的海军在大西洋的邻居?有人相信，在另一方面，我们可以放心如果轴心国是我们的邻居那里吗?如果英国下山，轴心国将控制欧洲大陆，亚洲，非洲，亚洲和南半球，公海。他们将在一个位置，带来了巨大的军事和海军资源对这个半球。毫不夸张地说，在所有美洲我们都将生活在枪口——枪装满炸药的子弹，经济以及军事。我们要进入这整个世界的一个新的和可怕的时代，我们的大脑半球在内，将由武力威胁。而在这样一个世界生存下去，我们必须改变自己的永久战争的经济基础上军国主义的力量。

我们中的一些人认为，即使英国的瀑布，我们仍然是安全的，因为浩瀚的大西洋和太平洋。但这些海洋宽度不在三桅帆船的日子是什么。在一个点在非洲和巴西之间的距离是小于它是从华盛顿到丹佛，科罗拉多州，为轰炸机的最新型的五小时。在太平洋的北端，美国和亚洲几乎相互接触。为什么，甚至今天我们能飞的飞机从英国到新英格兰再不加油。记住：现代轰炸机范围日益增加。

在过去的一周在全国各地有很多人告诉我，他们希望我说今晚。几乎所有的人都表达了一个勇敢的渴望听到有关形势的严峻事实。然而一封电报，表达，谁想要非礼勿视、非礼勿听少数的态度，即使他们在心里知道，邪恶的存在。那封电报请求我不要告诉了我们与缓解美国城市可以被任何敌对势力已经在这个西半球获得基地轰炸。这封电报大意是："请你，总统先生，不要吓唬我们告诉我们的事实。"老实说，肯定是前面有危险——危险对我们必须做好准备。但我们知道，我们不能逃避危险，或对危险的恐惧，爬行到床上，把被子蒙住头。

欧洲一些国家的不干涉协定庄严德国束缚。其他国家是德国的保证永远不必担忧入侵。不干涉协定或不，事实上，他们被攻击，超限，扔到现代奴隶制一小时通知——甚至没有注意到这一切。作为一个流亡领袖之一，这些国家说一天我，"通知负量。这是给我的政府后，德国军队已经涌入我国一百处两个小时"。这些国家的命运告诉我们，生活在纳粹的枪口意味着什么。

纳粹已经由各种虔诚的欺诈行为。一个骗子是声称他们正处在一个国家为目的的"恢复秩序"。另一个原因是，他们占有或控制的国家，他们借口"保护"对别人的侵略。例如，德国已经表示，她是从英国占领比利时挽救比利时。她会再犹豫说任何南美国家："我们正处在你保护你免遭美国的侵略?比利时今天是作为反对英国侵略基地，现在战斗的生活。和其他南美国家，在纳粹手中，总是会构成一个跳发生在这个半球的其它共和国的任何一个德国的进攻。

你们两个其他地方未来的分析更近，如果到德国纳粹赢得。就爱尔兰呢?将爱尔兰自由被允许在不自由的世界，一个惊人的宠物例外?或亚速尔群岛的岛屿，它还飞葡萄牙国旗经过五个世纪?你和我认为夏威夷是太平洋地区的防御前哨。然而，亚速尔群岛是大西洋更接近我们的海岸到夏威夷的另一边。

有人说，轴心国，不会有任何攻击欲望西半球。那是一厢情愿的破坏了许多被征服民族抵抗力量同样危险的形式。简单的事实是，纳粹党已经宣布，一次又一次，所有其他种族都是他们的人因此受到他们的命令。最重要的是，广大富饶的美洲是所有的一轮世界最诱人的战利品。

让我们不再盲目的自己，已压碎破坏和损坏的很多人已经在我们自己的大门的邪恶势力不可否认的事实。你的政府对他们很了解，每一天都是找出这些错误。他们的秘密使者都是我们自己和周边国家的活动。他们试图激起猜疑和纠纷，造成内乱。他们试图把资本和劳动，反之亦然。他们试图唤醒沉睡的种族和宗教仇恨长应已在这个国家没有的地方。他们在每一组中，促进不耐受是活跃的。他们利用自己结束自己的天然憎恶战争。这些麻烦的饲养者的目的只有一个。它是把我们的人，把他们分为敌对的团体和破坏我们的团结，粉碎了我们会为自己辩护。

也有美国公民，他们中的许多人在高的地方，谁，不知不觉地在大多数情况下，是协助及教唆这些药物的工作。我不收这些美国公民和外国代理人。但我却指控他们做这样的工作，独裁的人们想在美国做的。这些人不仅相信我们可以通过关闭我们的眼睛，其他国家的命运，拯救我们自己的皮肤。他们中的一些人远远不止这些。他们说，我们可以而且应该成为朋友，甚至是轴心国伙伴。他们中的一些人甚至认为我们应该效法的独裁统治的方法。但美国人永远不会永远不会那样做。

过去两年的经验已经证明，毫无疑问，没有一个国家能安抚纳粹。没有人能驯服老虎变成一只小猫抚摸它。对残暴行为是不能姑息。有可以用燃烧弹没有推理。现在我们知道，一个国家可以与纳粹分子只有在彻底投降的代价的和平。即使意大利人被迫成为纳粹同谋;但他们此刻不知道很快他们将接受死亡，他们的盟友。

不管是在美国和奥地利，捷克斯洛伐克，波兰，挪威，比利时，命运发现警告荷兰，丹麦，法国。他们告诉你，轴心国要赢得;世界上所有的流血的事件是可以被挽救的，美国或许也将影响到一个支配的和平的规模和得到最好的，我们可以。他们称之为"和平谈判的废话。"!这是一个和平谈判如果一伙不法之徒包围你的社区和灭绝的威胁让你表示敬意，拯救自己的皮肤?这种支配的和平就没有和平。它只会是另一个停战，导致整个历史中最巨大的军备竞赛和最具破坏性的贸易战。在这些比赛美洲将轴功率提供的唯一真正的阻力。他们所有的自负的效率，与他们所有的游行的虔诚的目的在这场战争中，仍有其背景中的链的集中营里，神的仆人。

近几年来的历史证明，枪击链和集中营的不仅仅是短暂的工具，但现代独裁统治的祭坛。他们可以说是一个"新秩序"的世界，但他们心目中只有一个复兴的最古老和最坏的暴君。在没有自由，没有宗教，没有希望。所提出的"新秩序"是一个美国的欧洲或美国亚洲恰恰相反。它不是一个政府基于人民的同意。这不是一个普通的联盟，自尊的男人和女人来保护自己和自己的自由和尊严的压迫。这是一个邪恶联盟的权力和财富支配和奴役人类。

英国人和他们的盟友，现在正在进行积极的对抗这邪恶联盟。我们自己的未来的安全在很大程度上取决于这场战斗的结果。我们的"不战"的能力将取决于这个结果。思想上的今天和明天，我将直接声明美国人民有更少的机会，美国进入战争，如果我们所做的一切都是我们现在可以支持国家保卫自己免受攻击的轴比如果我们接受他们的失败，提交驯顺的轴线的胜利，和等待我们的将是在后来的另一场战争攻击的对象。

如果我们对自己诚实，我们必须承认有风险的任何过程中我们可以采取。但我深信，我国绝大多数人同意，我提倡的课程包括风险最小的现在和未来世界和平的最大希望的。

欧洲的人民在捍卫自己，不要求我们替他们打仗。他们问我们的战争，实现了飞机，坦克，大炮，货船，使他们能为自己的自由和我们的安全而战。重点，我们必须把这些武器给他们，让他们在足够量的迅速足以使我们和我们的孩子将被保存的痛苦和苦难的战争，其他人不得不忍受。

不要让失败主义者告诉我们，它是太晚了。它将不会早。明天要比今天更迟。

一定的事实是不言而喻的。

在军事上说，英国和英帝国的今天是抵抗征服世界的先锋。他们坚持战斗，这将永远活在人类的勇敢的故事。没有要求美国派远征军到国外。有没有意向你们政府的任何成员发送这样的力量。你可以因此，钉，钉约出兵欧洲任何故意不说话。我们的国家政策不是走向战争。它的唯一目的是让战争离开我们的国家和我们的人民远离。

民主的反对征服全世界正在帮助很大，必须更多的帮助很大，由美国重整军备和发送的每一盎司和军需供应每吨，我们可以备用帮助那些在前线守军。这是没有更多的中性点为我们做的比它是瑞典，俄罗斯，德国和其他国家附近把钢铁、矿石、石油和其他战争物资到德国一礼拜中的每一天。

我们最紧迫的我们自己的防卫计划，并在其庞大的规模就必须把英国和其他自由国家抵抗侵略战争的需要。这不是一个问题，情绪或有争议的个人意见。这是一个现实的，实际的军事政策，基于我们的军事专家谁有紧密的联系，与现有的战争的建议。这些军事和海军专家和国会的成员和政府有一个专一的目的：美国的防御。

这个国家正在产生的一切，在这紧急需要很大的努力，并尽速。这种努力需要伟大的牺牲。我会让无人防守的民主又不会保卫每个人对抗国家要与贫困。这个国家的强度不应以政府未能保护其公民的经济福祉稀释。如果我们的生产能力是有限的机器，它将永远记得这些机器的技能和工人的体力工作。

作为政府决意保护工人的权利，因此，国家有权要求人的机器将履行其全权防御的迫切需要。工人们拥有相同的人格尊严和有权的位置相同的安全工程师或经理或老板。为员工提供人力，原来的驱逐舰，和飞机，坦克和。国家希望我们的国防工业继续运行不受罢工或停工中断。预计，坚持管理和员工将自愿或法律手段调和他们之间的分歧，继续生产，所以急需的物资。在我们伟大的防御计划，经济方面我们是，你知道的，弯曲的一切努力，生活成本的稳定性保持稳定的价格。

九天前我宣布建立一个更有效的组织来指导我们的巨大努力增加军_生产。的巨额资金拨款和协调执行方向我们的防御措施本身并不足够。枪炮，飞机，船舶和其他许多事情都必须建立在工厂和美国的核武库。他们必须由工人和管理人员和工程师制作的这反过来又是由成千上万的工人在陆地的机器的帮助。在这个伟大的工作已经有政府、行业和劳动之间的良好合作。我很感激。

美国工业界的天才，无与伦比的全世界的生产问题的解决，已经呼吁，将以其聪明才智为行动。的手表制造商，农具，对linotypes和收银机和汽车，和缝纫机和割草机和机车，现在使熔断器和炸弹的包装箱和望远镜支架和贝壳和枪和坦克。

但我们所有的努力是不够的。我们必须有更多的船只，更多的枪，更多的飞机——更多的东西。这可以当我们抛弃了"照常营业的概念。"这工作不能由叠加在现有的生产设施，增加国防的需要仅仅做。我们的防守努力不要被那些担心将来工厂生产能力过剩的后果的封锁。我们的防御措施失效的可能后果现在更是可怕的。在我们的国防需求现状是过去，正确处理国家的和平时期，需要将要求所有新的生产能力，如果不是更。没有对美国前途悲观的政策应当延缓这些行业必不可少的防御即时扩张。我们需要他们。

我想说清楚，它的目的是现在尽快地建立每一台机器，每一个阿森纳，每一个工厂，我们需要我们的国防材料制造。我们有人，技能，财富，最重要的是，将。我相信，如果在某些行业的生产消费品和奢侈品需要机器，用于国防目的是必不可少的原料使用，那么这样的生产一定产量，而且会心甘情愿地，我们的主要的和令人信服的目的。

因此我号召工厂的业主，对管理人员，对工人，我们自己的政府雇员把一点一滴的努力为生产军_和毫不吝惜地。这一呼吁我给你的承诺，我们所有的人都是你的政府官员将致力于同全心全意地去谎言的伟大任务。

由于生产，大炮和炮弹的政府，它的国防专家，可以决定如何最好地使用它们来保卫这个半球。决定把多少将被派往国外，多少要留在家里，必须对我们的整体军事用品的基础上。

我们必须成为民主国家的兵工厂。

对我们来说这是紧急和战争本身一样严重。我们必须致力于我们的任务具有相同的分辨率，同样的紧迫感，同样的爱国主义精神和牺牲，我们将展示我们的战争。

我们已经给英国伟大的物质上的支持，我们将为今后更远。将不会有"瓶颈"决心帮助英国。没有独裁的人，没有结合的独裁的人，将削弱的威胁，确定如何解释，测定。英国已收到从英雄的希腊军队从流亡在外的所有政府军队宝贵的军事支持。他们的力量是成长。这是男人和女人谁珍惜他们的自由生活比他们的价值更高的强度。

我相信，轴心国不会赢得这场战争。我相信最新和最好的信息库。

我们没有理由失败。我们有理由希望——希望和平，是的，希望对我们文明的防御和在未来更好的文明建设。我认为美国人民现在决定提出一个更强大的力量比他们曾经还增加我们的防御所有实现生产的信念，以满足我们的民主信仰的威胁。

作为美国总统，我呼吁国家的努力。我叫它在这个国家，我们的爱和尊敬，我们很荣幸和骄傲的服务名称。我号召我们的人民有绝对的信心，我们共同的事业将极大的成功。

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the only thing we have to fear is fear itself — nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror,which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.

我们唯一害怕的 是害怕本身——这种难以名状、失去理智和毫无道理的恐惧，把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。

president hoover, mister chief justice, my friends:

胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：

this is a day of national consecration, and i am certain that on this day, my fellow americanse_pect that on my induction in the presidency i will address them with a candor and adecision which the present situation of our people impels. this is preeminently the time tospeak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facingthe conditions facing our country today. this great nation will endure as it has endured, willrevive and will prosper. so first of all, let me e_press my firm belief that the only thing wehave to fear is fear itself-nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror, which paralyzes neededefforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership offrankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves,which is essential to victory. and i am convinced that you will again give that support toleadership in these critical days.

今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。

in such a spirit on my part and on yours, we face our common difficulties. they concern, thankgod, only material things. values have shrunken to fantastic levels; ta_es have risen, ourability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; themeans of e_change are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce, and the savings ofmany years and thousands of families are gone.

我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of e_istence, and an equaland great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities ofthe moment.

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。

and yet, our distress comes from no failure of substance, we are stricken by no plague oflocusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have so much to be thankful for. nature surrounds us with her bounty, andhuman efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishesin the very sight of the supply. primarily, this is because the rulers of the e_change ofmankind’s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence,have admitted their failure and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changersstand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。

true, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the patten of an outworn tradition.faced by a failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. stripped ofthe lure of profit by which they induce our people to follow their false leadership, they haveresorted to e_hortation, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rulesof a generation of self-seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision, the peopleperish.

是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。

yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths. a measure of that restoration lies in thee_tent to which we apply social value, more noble than mere monetary profits.

如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。

happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative efforts, the joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescent profits.these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus, if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered on to, but to minister toourselves, to our fellow men.

幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。

recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand withthe abandonment of a false belief that public office and high political position are to be valuedonly by the standards of pride of place and personal profits, and there must be an end to ourconduct in banking and in business, which too often has given to a sacred trust the likenessof callous and selfish wrong-doing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrivesonly on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of our obligation, on faithful protection andon unselfish performance. without them it cannot live.

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念;我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, andaction now.

但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we take itwisely and courageously. it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by thegovernment itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the sametime, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate andreorganize the use

of our great natural resources.

我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。

hand in hand with that, we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in ourindustrial centers and by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution in an effort toprovide better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。

yes the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the value of the agricultural product andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventingrealistically, the tragedy of the growing losses through fore closures of our small homes and ourfarms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local government actforthwith on the demands that their costs be drastically reduce. it can be helped by theunifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can behelped by national planning for, and supervision of all forms of transportation, and ofcommunications, and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many waysin which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it. we must act,we must act quickly.

明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。

and finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against thereturn of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking andcredits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other people’s money; andthere must be provisions for an adequate but sound currency.

最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来;一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机;一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。

these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in specialsession, detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistanceof the 48 states.

以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。

through this program of action, we address ourselves to putting our own national house inorder, and making income balance outflow. our international trade relations, though vastlyimportant, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a soundnational economy. i favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. i shall spare noeffort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency athome cannot wait on that accomplishment.

通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。

the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowlynationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration upon the inter-dependence of thevarious elements in all parts of the united states of america – a recognition of the old and thepermanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way torecovery, it is the immediate way, it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。

in the field of world policy, i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor. theneighbor who resolutely respects himself, and because he does so, respects the rights of others.the neighbor who respects his obligation, and respects the sanctity of his agreement, in andwith, a world of neighbor.

在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。

if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize what we have never realized before,our inter-dependence on each other, that we cannot merely take, but we must give as well.that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army, willing to sacrificefor the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline, no progress can bemade, no leadership becomes effective. we are all ready and willing to submit our lives andour property to such discipline because it makes possible a leadership which aims at thelarger good. this, i propose to offer, we are going to larger purposes, bind upon us, bind uponus all, as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty, hitherto evoked only in times of armedstrife.

如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。

with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly, the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. action in this image,action to this end, is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from myancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical, that it is possible always, to meete_traordinary needs, by changes in emphasis and arrangements without loss of a centralform, that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduringpolitical mechanism the modern world has ever seen. it has met every stress of vaste_pansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.

有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。

and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of e_ecutive and legislative authority will befully equal, fully adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that anunprecedented demand and need for undelay ction may call for temporary departure fromthat normal balance of public procedure.

而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。

we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity, in theclearest consciousness of seeking all and precious moral values, with the clean satisfactionthat comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike, we aim at theassurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

we do not distrust the future of essential democracy. the people of the united states havenot failed. in their need, they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorousaction. they have asked for discipline, and direction under leadership, they have made me thepresent instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift, i take it.

我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

in this dedication, in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessings of god, mayhe protect each and every one of us, may he guide me in the days to come.

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。

罗斯福英语演讲稿 模板5

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美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(英文版)

president hoover, mr. chief justice, my friends:

this is a day of national consecration. and i am certain that on this day my fellow americans e_pect that on my induction into the presidency, i will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.

this is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. this great nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

so, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. in every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. and i am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

in such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. they concern, thank god, only material things. values have shrunk to fantastic levels; ta_es have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of e_change are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. more important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of e_istence, and an equally great number toil with little return. only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

and yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. we are stricken by no plague of locusts. compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

primarily, this is because the rulers of the e_change of mankind"s goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

true, they have tried. but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to e_hortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. they only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. they have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. we may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. the measure of that restoration lies in the e_tent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. the joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. these dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. this nation is asking for action, and action now.

our greatest primary task is to put people to work. this is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. it can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. it can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. it can be helped by insistence that the federal, the state, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. it can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. it can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. there are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.

we must act. we must act quickly.

and finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. there must be an end to speculation with other people"s money. and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

these, my friends, are the lines of attack. i shall presently urge upon a new congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and i shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 states.

through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. i favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. i shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

the basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. it is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the united states of america -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the american spirit of the pioneer. it is the way to recovery. it is the immediate way. it is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

in the field of world policy, i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

if i read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

we are, i know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. this, i propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

with this pledge taken, i assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. our constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet e_traordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. that is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

it has met every stress of vast e_pansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. and it is to be hoped that the normal balance of e_ecutive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. but it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

i am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. these measures, or such other measures as the congress may build out of its e_perience and wisdom, i shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

but, in the event that the congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, i shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. i shall ask the congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad e_ecutive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

for the trust reposed in me, i will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. i can do no less.

we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. we aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

we do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. the people of the united states have not failed. in their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. they have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. they have made me the present instrument of their wishes. in the spirit of the gift i take it.

in this dedication -- in this dedication of a nation, we humbly ask the blessing of god.

may he protect each and every one of us.

may he guide me in the days to come.

美国总统罗斯福就职演讲稿(中文版)

胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：

今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。

我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。

但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种 情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。

是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱 人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。

如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。

幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱;幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念;我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。

我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。

明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。

最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来;一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机;一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。

以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。

通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。

指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。

在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。

如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。

有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。

而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。

让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。

罗斯福英语演讲稿 模板6

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mr. vice president, mr. speaker, members of the senate, and of the house of representatives:

yesterday, december 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the united states of america was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the empire of japan.

the united states was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the pacific.

indeed, one hour after japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the american island of oahu, the japanese ambassador to the united states and his colleague delivered to our secretary of state a formal reply to a recent american message. and while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the e_isting diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

it will be recorded that the distance of hawaii from japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. during the intervening time, the japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the united states by false statements and e_pressions of hope for continued peace.

the attack yesterday on the hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to american naval and military forces. i regret to tell you that very many american lives have been lost. in addition, american ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between san francisco and honolulu.

yesterday, the japanese government also launched an attack against malaya.

last night, japanese forces attacked hong kong.

last night, japanese forces attacked guam.

last night, japanese forces attacked the philippine islands.

last night, the japanese attacked wake island.

and this morning, the japanese attacked midway island.

japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive e_tending throughout the pacific area. the facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. the people of the united states have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.

fdrwarspeech.jpg

as commander in chief of the army and navy, i have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. but always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

no matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the american people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

i believe that i interpret the will of the congress and of the people when i assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

hostilities e_ist. there is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

with confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us god.

i ask that the congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by japan on sunday, december 7th, 1941, a state of war has e_isted between the united states and the japanese empire.

美国总统罗斯福珍珠港演讲稿(中文版)

副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员：

昨天， 1941年12月7日——必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子——美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的进攻。美国和日本是和平相处的，根据日本的请求仍在同它的政府和进行会谈，以期维护太平洋和平。实际上，就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时，日本驻美国大使还向我们的国务卿提交了对美国最近致日方信函的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用，但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。

历史将会证明，夏威夷距日本这么遥远，表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。在此期间，日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。

昨天对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位，很多美国人丧失了生命，此外，据报，美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁(檀香山)之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。

昨天，日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。

昨夜，日本军队进攻了香港。

昨夜，日本军队进攻了关岛。

昨夜，日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。

昨夜，日本人进攻了威克岛。

今晨，日本人进攻了中途岛。

因此，日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。昨天和今天的事实不言自明。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解，并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。

作为陆海军，总司令，我已指示，为了我们的防务采取一切措施。

但是，我们整个国家都将永远记住这次对我们进攻的性质。不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次预谋的入侵，美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。

我们现在预言，我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己，我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说，相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。

敌对行动已经存在。无庸讳言，我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。

相信我们的武装部队——依靠我国人民的坚定决心--我们将取得必然的胜利，愿上帝帮助我们!我要求国会宣布：自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起，美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。